H. M. TURINSKAYA

Candidate of Historical Sciences

Institute of Africa of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology of the Russian Academy of Sciences

Keywords: East African Community, regional integration, political federation

On 5 November 2015, the newly elected President of the United Republic of Tanzania, John Magufuli, was sworn in. The entourage in which his inauguration took place and the media coverage of this event provide new food for thought about the current state of affairs in African regional groupings, the alignment of political forces and the prospects for unification of East African states. It is this region that, despite various obstacles on the way to a full-fledged federation, is the flagship of integration on the African continent. There was a lively discussion in the media about the need to force the creation of a political union of East African states.

Review the current state and future plans of the East African Community (EAC)* perhaps only with the complexity and non-linearity of unification processes in a changing historical context in mind. The long-standing and diverse mutual ties of the East African territories - first colonial possessions, and then independent States-served as the basis for regional cooperation and integration.

EAST AFRICAN COMMUNITY: REPEAT WHAT YOU'VE COMPLETED?

Since the beginning of the 20th century, these processes have mainly affected economic policy and infrastructure. Since the early 1920s, the British authorities have continued their efforts to deepen political integration and have promoted the creation of a Federation of East Africa (FWA), which would include Kenya, Uganda, Tanganyika, Zanzibar, and possibly other countries in the region. Kenya, according to the British, was to become the center and "locomotive" of unification. However, it was not possible to switch from an economic union to a political one either in the first quarter of the 20th century or in the following decades.

Another unsuccessful attempt to create the FWA in the early 1960s reflected a new general trend: internal processes in individual participating countries, the desire to protect the national sovereignty of young African states, and their interests on the world stage turned out to be a priority and did not contribute to inter-territorial integration.

The project of a Federation of East Africa, with the participation of states "not yet" or "already" freed from colonial dependence, was widely discussed in the mid-twentieth century. One of the "fathers of pan-Africanism", Tanganyika leader Julius Nyerere, played a special role in this process. He considered it preferable to form a federation "before independence", since if it is done "after", it will be more difficult for states to give up their already won sovereignty.

Nyerere strongly encouraged the other two regional integration partners, the leaders of Kenya and Uganda (Jomo Kenyatta and Milton Obota), to create a political alliance between the two countries.-

* EAC was founded in 1967, ceased to exist in 1977, and was officially revived on July 7, 2000 (editor's note).

* * Julius Nyerere (1922-1999). 1961-1962-Prime Minister of Tanganyika, 1962-1964-President of Tanganyika, 1964-1985-President of the United Republic of Tanzania.

*** Jomo Kenyatta (c. 1891-1978). From 1963 to 1964, he was Prime Minister of Kenya, and from 1964 to 1978, he was President of Kenya.

**** Milton Obote (1924-2005). He was Prime Minister of Uganda from 1962 to 1966, President of Uganda from 1966 to 1971, and President of Uganda from 1980 to 1985.

the European Federation, seeing this as a step towards pan-African unity. Moreover, there were strong prerequisites for the creation of such a federation: the similarity of historical destinies, the presence of a widespread common language - Swahili, trade, economic and cultural ties, a single monetary and banking system.

However, the federation was never established: the nature of the economic and trade ties established during the colonial period did not contribute to the development of the Tanzanian economy*, which had an increasingly passive trade balance in trade with Kenya and Uganda and remained only a market for goods.

In 1967, on the basis of previous economic projects in the region and in order to further promote them, the East African Community (EAC) emerged with its headquarters in Arusha (Tanzania). It was planned to organize cooperation in the common market, customs, infrastructure, and coordinate economic and financial policies. The East African Development Bank was established. The agreement on the establishment of the EAC was concluded for 15 years, but the Community lasted only 10 years, until 1977: the cooperation never "grew" into a federation.

It would seem that in the changed historical conditions, the leaders of the countries freed from colonial dependence, in which power passed to the Africans, had to stop rejecting federalism and take a new approach to the federal idea. However, the federal principle was not only not rehabilitated in the eyes of many African presidents, but still caused opposition. Thus, Kenyatta felt that Nyerere was promoting the "wrong" federation, which in itself was a "good idea" and made it easier to create an East African Federation, which could be a step towards the "United States of Africa" ^.1

The Tanzanian president was accused of "sabotaging" the federal project in East Africa. With his policy of building socialism in Tanzania, Nyerere allegedly instigated an increase in isolated economic nationalisms in other East African countries and "unintentionally" negated the prospects of the regional community.² "In fact," J. R. R. Tolkien noted.Nyerere, " none of us in Africa have been taught to think only in terms of nationalism - we still think of ourselves as Africans..."³; "We are all Tanganyikans, and we are all East Africans," Nyerere said, advocating the idea of "popular", voluntary, and non - governmental organization. a non-imposed federation, as well as the prospect of creating a "United States of Africa".

The divergent vision of the development paths of Africa, the East African region and individual countries in the region has also become a stumbling block for the continued functioning of the EAC. The difference in the directions and rates of socio-economic development and its unevenness, mutual unfriendly actions, the ever-increasing "gap" between the participating countries were aggravated by political factors.

* Tanzania - a state formed as a result of the unification of Tanganyika and the Zanzibar archipelago: from April 26, 1964-the United Republic of Tanganyika and Zanzibar, from October 30, 1964 - the United Republic of Tanzania (ORT) (author's note).

contradictions between their managers.

By the early 1980s, a special commission had determined the shares of participating countries in the assets and liabilities of the defunct EAC: Kenya received 42%, Tanzania-32%, Uganda-26% ⁴. Thus, at that time in East Africa, it was impossible not only to create a political union, but even to deepen economic cooperation.

The EAC history confirms that ORT's integration partners were skeptical of the idea of economic unification in East Africa. ⁵ The idea of a political union of the three East African States collapsed along with attempts to establish economic cooperation in the region within the framework of EAC ⁶. However, already in the 1990s, negotiations on the resumption of cooperation at the regional level began...

NEW STAGE OF INTEGRATION

Currently, the East African Community, re-established in 2000, consists of 5 member countries (Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi) with an area of 1.8 million square kilometers and a population of over 145 million people. The average life expectancy in the region ranges from 50 years (in Uganda) to 65 years (in Rwanda).⁷. The official language of the Community is English; Swahili (as a lingua franca)⁸ and French are also widely used. The supreme body of the EAC is the Summit of Heads of Member States. Since November 5, 2015, the Chairman of The Summit is ORT President John Magufuli9. Other regional bodies: Legislative Assembly, Supreme Court, Council of Ministers, Coordination and Branch Committees, EAC Secretariat. It is headquartered in Arusha, Tanzania.

Since 2005, the protocol of the customs union has entered into force, and in the future-the creation of a common market and currency union of the countries of the region ¹⁰. These are the three stages of integration in East Africa, preparatory to the fourth stage-political federation, which, according to East Africans, is a direct path to the unification of all Africa and, thus, to overcoming the colonial legacy.¹¹ Cooperation in the EAC is also carried out in the cultural, humanitarian, and military fields.

EAC cooperates with the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and with Nigeria, which is the leader of this regional grouping. ¹² The parties are discussing the introduction of a free trade area (FTA) for the entire African continent ¹³. A particular example of inter-bloc cooperation is the joint action taken by the EAC and ECOWAS to combat Ebola in West Africa ¹⁴.

Important areas of economic cooperation within the East African Community are energy, finance, transport, and communications. The northern and central transport corridors have been designed to connect the major seaports of Mombasa and Dar es Salaam, respectively,with the interior territories of East and Central Africa. ¹⁵ A plan has been developed for the development of railway communication in the EAC member countries, as well as in South Sudan and Ethiopia. Many projects in the sub-region involve investments and companies from China. The creation of the North-South transport corridor is one of the points of the agreement between the EAC, COMESA (Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa / COMESA - Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa) and SADC (Southern African Development Community / SADC - Southern African Development Community) and the Troika territorial economic group formed in 2005"(Tripartite).

By the way, like most African States, all EAC countries simultaneously participate in other sub-regional associations. Thus, Kenya, Rwanda and Uganda are members of COMESA. Burundi and Rwanda are members of the Economic Community of Central African Countries (ECCAS). Tanzania is part of the SADC.

In June 2015, the EAC, COMESA and SADC (a total of 26 States and more than half the population of the African continent) agreed to create a common FTA. ¹⁶ However, this does not solve the problem of dual membership, which is a source of contradictions and conflicts in relations between countries. A unified policy governing the free movement of labor has not yet been developed. But finally, the introduction of the International Electronic East African Passport (EA E-passport), which facilitates the movement of citizens within the Community, was announced on January ¹, 201717.

Imbalances in the economies of the EAC member countries persist. For example, Tanzania benefits less than it could and less than Kenya from tourism and the use of its agricultural land, and there are "historical explanations"for this. ¹⁸ The introduction of duty - free trade among EAC members has led to an increase in domestic trade within the grouping: in a decade, by 2014, from 10% of GDP to 10% of GDP. up to 26%. However, by abolishing domestic duties, EAC countries continue to practice non-tariff trade barriers, which hinder the free movement of goods and thus hinder trade within the sub-region. ¹⁹-

Planned railway network in East Africa. 2014

Apart from the economic, there are also political difficulties on the way to integration in East Africa.

"THIRD-TERM EPIDEMIC" AND CHALLENGES TO POLITICAL INTEGRATION

In March 2016, the admission of South Sudan to the group was announced. The entry of Somalia is still being postponed due to the internal political situation in this country and the general increase in tension in the region. At the same time, the inclusion of Ethiopia and the DRC is being considered in the future.

Not only the potential member States of the Community are in a state of political crisis, but also members of the EAC with experience. This is especially true in Burundi.

Burundi's President Pierre Nkurunziza has been at the helm for 10 years. The 2005 Burundian Constitution provides for two mandates for the Head of State. While running for a third term, Nkurunziza argued that the first term should not be taken into account, since he was elected by the parliament, and not by a direct vote of the country's residents.

In May 2015, while Nkurunziza was attending the EAC summit in Tanzania, an attempted military coup was launched in Burundi. After returning to the country, Nkurunziza won the July 2015 presidential election, receiving almost 70% of the Burundians ' vote at the ballot box (73.44% turnout) ^.20

The East African community could not fail to respond to the Burundi crisis. Several meetings of EAC officials and a number of official documents are devoted to the situation in Burundi. ²¹ On YOUR behalf, Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni mediated the resolution of the Burundi conflict.

The Ugandan leader himself has been in power since 1986. In 2016, he was elected President of the country for another term, which is allowed by the amendments made to the constitution in 2005.

Rwandan President Paul Kagame, who was among the African politicians who condemned Nkurunziza's actions, also plans to extend his term of office. In this regard, on December 18, 2015, a referendum was held in Rwanda to amend the Constitution to allow Kagame to run for a third presidential term. The majority of Rwandans approved the proposed changes and thus voted for the continuation of the "kagamecracy" and gave the current president the potential opportunity to remain in power until 2034. ²²

The political aspirations of the current head of Kenya Uhuru Kenyatta (son of Jomo Kenyatta) are connected with the transfer of power for the next presidential term within the ruling "ethnic bloc" Kikuyu * - Kalenjin**. U. Kenyatta is not formally going to stay for a third term, but hopes that Kenyans in 2017 will elect his partner in the Jubilee electoral coalition as president. alliance " - the current vice-president of William Ruto.

The inauguration of the new head of ORT was attended by the leaders of the States of East, Central and South Africa. These are EAC colleagues-the Presidents of Kenya, Rwanda, Uganda, leaders of potential EAC member countries-the Presidents of Zambia, DRC, the Prime Minister of Ethiopia, as well as the heads of Zimbabwe, Mozambique, South Africa, the Vice-President of Malawi, the special representative of the government

* The Kikuyu are the largest people in Kenya by population (about 20% of the country's population).

* * The Kalenjin are the fourth largest ethnic group in Kenya (12% of the population). ed.).

China and other officials.

Following the results of the October 2015 elections, Tanzania's president Jakaya Kikwete, having exhausted two five-year terms (from 2005 to 2015), transferred the presidential powers to John Magufuli in a constitutionally stipulated manner. However, in Tanzania, the political and electoral process is not going smoothly: the results of the presidential elections in Zanzibar-an autonomous unit within ORT - were annulled. Re-elections were required, which took place in March 2016 and, in the face of a boycott by the leading opposition force in the archipelago, the Civil United Front, ended with the victory of the candidate from the ruling Revolutionary Party, namely the re - election of the incumbent Zanzibar President Ali M. Shane for a second term. In general, J. Magufuli and his "partner" Samia Sulukh (for the first time a Muslim woman-vice - president) inherited unresolved issues, including the Union and Zanzibar issues.²³

* * *

Different systems," convergence rates", traditions of democracy and political leadership, disparate economies and social problems, and cross-country contradictions characterize the activities of the EAC. Before integrating new members and deepening cooperation to create a political federation, the East African Community needs to take steps to stabilize the situation in the countries that are already part of it. And to determine the borderline, the crossing of which entails the responsibility of regional and international organizations and requires active actions of external actors. Presidents, on the other hand, perceive criticism or attempts from outside to resolve crisis situations as interference in the internal affairs of their countries.²⁴

After the creation of the East African Federation, will its leaders similarly "rewrite" the Community's constitution in accordance with the political situation?

Meanwhile, the political federation is stated as a strategic goal in the official documents of the EAC. Harmonization of national legislation and coordination of the participating countries ' policies in the areas of governance, security, defense, external relations, human rights and social justice are considered as preparatory steps.²⁵ There are special websites covering the movement of the Community towards federation26 and ^the constitutional process in the countries of ^the region27.

Currently, Nyerere's ideas are widely used in the ideological support of regional integration and in the media content of the revived VAS. Mwalimu Heritage (Swah. "teacher", as Julius Nyerere was called) is inspired by today's initiators of the constitutional process, which is designed to provide a legal basis for the future federation of East Africa.²⁸ It is interesting to note that a special Internet resource "Nyerere center for peace research"²⁹.

Paradoxically, despite the change of epochs, the project of political federation still meets with a diametrically opposite attitude among Africans. In general, by supporting the idea of uniting African states, citizens have in mind, first of all, the benefits that their own country30 can receive, and not Africa ^and Africans in general. Those who doubt the success of political integration on the African continent refer to the contradictory experience of the European Union in building federal structures.

Instability in one of the "links of the chain" and the resulting dysfunction of the whole organism, as events in the modern history of the East African region show, on the one hand, reveal the interconnectedness of the system, and on the other, reflect its vulnerability to various internal and external factors. And, as in the past, political ambitions and disagreements of leaders hinder the search for a common language, moving towards closer integration. Many initiatives remain a formality, existing only on paper. Add to this the uneven level and pace of development of civil society, political structures and institutions in individual African countries.³¹

The union of states that are so different in socio-political and economic parameters is akin to a union of unequal partners. ³² It is no coincidence that EAC Secretary-General Richard Sezibera, in his" letter from the future to the past " addressed to Mwalimu Nyerere, has to admit that East Africa continues to experience strong inter-country and intra-regional competition, to the detriment of cooperation. ³³

The Federation remains part of the political rhetoric in Africa, but at the same time, African unity and the common good of Africans are still perceived as an abstraction. Its own "national" shirt is closer to the body.

* R. Sezibera left his post in April 2016 and handed over his powers to the representative of Burundi.

¹ Jomo Kenyatta and the Question of an East African Federation: Brief Survey / By Ambitho W. Cairo, [s.a.], p. 6, 11,14 - 17.

^{Mazrui A.A.} 2 Julius Nyerere, Ali Mazrui and the Intrigues of African Politics [2006] - http://www.afroarticles.com/article-dashboard/Article/Julius-Nyerere, -Ali-Mazrui-and-the-intrigues-of-African-politics/9022

^{Nyerere J.K.} 3 Stability and Change in Africa: Speech Given to the University of Toronto, Canada, 2 October 1969, p. 4 - 5 - http://egov.go.tz/egov_uploads/documents/stability_and_change_sw.pdf

^{Msambichaka L.A., Mwamba N.E., Mjema G.D.} 4 Economic Cooperation in East Africa: Lessons Learnt and Prospects for Tanzania // The Nyerere Legacy and Economic Policy Making in Tanzania. Dar es Salaam: Dar es Salaam University Press Ltd. 2002, p. 249.

^{Yeager R.} 5 Tanzania: An African Experiment. Boulder: Westview Press. 1982, p. 102.

^{Turinskaya H. M.} 6 Federalism in East Africa: "One people, one destiny"? // Asia and Africa today. 2014, N 4, p. 29. (Turinskaya Kh. M. 2014. Federalism in East Africa: "One People, One Destiny"? // Aziya i Afrika segodnya. N 4) (in Russian)

⁷ Africa. Encyclopedia. In 2 volumes. Moscow, 2010. Volume 1 A-K.

⁸ Treaty for the Establishment of the East African Community [1999] (As Amended on 14th December, 2006 and 20th August, 2007).

⁹ In 2016, the presidency of the EAC was supposed to pass to the President of Burundi, but due to the political crisis in Burundi, according to the decision of the 17th Summit of Heads of State of the EAC, the mandate of the representative from Tanzania was extended for another year.

^{Shlyonskaya S. M.} 10 United Republic of Tanzania: Handbook, Moscow, IAfr RAS, 2014, p. 66. (Shlyonskaya S. M. 2014. United Republic of Tanzania. M.) (in Russian)

¹¹ http://www.eac.int/index.php7option-com_content&view=article&id=1959:regional-economi c-blocs-key-to-attaining-pan-africanism&catid=146:press-releases&ltemid=194

¹² http://www.eac.int/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=1024:nigeria-appoints- envoy-to-eac&catid=146:press-releases&Itemid=194

¹³ http://www.eac.int/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=1928:nigeria-and-eac-d iscuss-african-continental-free-trade-area&catid=146:press-releases&Itemid=194

¹⁴ For more information, see: Melnikov V. A. Ebola recedes, but... / / Asia and Africa today. 2015, N 5. (Melnikov V.A. 2015. Ebola otstupaet, no... // Aziya i Afrika segodnya. N 6) (in Russian)

¹⁵ For experience in implementing a number of EAC projects in Rwanda, see: Eight Years of Rwanda in the EAC: Deepening the Regional Integration Agenda http://www.newtimes.co.rw/section/advertorial/691/

¹⁶ Agreement Establishing a Tripartite Free Trade Area Among the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa, the East African Community and the Southern African Development Community. 2015.

¹⁷ http://www.eac.int/news-and-media/statements/20160302/joint-communique-17th-ordinary-s ummit-east-african-community-heads-state

^{Msambichaka L.A., Mwamba N.E., Mjema G.D.} 18 Op. cit., p. 255 - 257.

¹⁹ См., напр.: Status of Elimination of Non Tariff Barriers in the East African Community. Vol. 8. December 2014.

²⁰ http://www.ceniburundi.bi/IMG/pdf/presidentielle_nationale_2015.pdf. I thank Alexander Panov for the material provided.

²¹ The East African Community Election Observation Mission to the Presidential Election of 21 July 2015 in the Republic of Burundi: Preliminary Statement. Bujumbura, 23 July, 2015; 13th Extra Ordinary Summit of the EAC Heads of State. May 13, 2015; Communique: Emergency Summit of Heads of State of the East African Community on the Situation in Burundi. May 31, 2015; Communique: 3rd Emergency Summit of Heads of State of the East African Community on the Situation in Burundi. July 6, 2015; Civil Society Peition EALA on Republic of Burundi [November 19, 2015] - http://www.eac.int/index.php?option=com_con tent&view=article&id=2009:civil-society-peition-eala-on-republic-of-burundi&catid=146:pre ss-releases&Itemid=194

²² Referendum: 98% say 'yes' [December 19, 2015] -http://www.newtimes.co.rw/section/article/2015 - 12 - 19/195423/

^{Turinskaya H. M.} 23 Zanzibar and the Union issue in Tanzania: a new "time of politics" / / Asia and Africa Today. 2015, N 6. (Turinskaya Kh.M. 2015. Zanzibar and the Union Question in Tanzania: New "Time of Politics" // Aziya i Afrika segodnya. N 6) (in Russian)

²⁴ Conflicts in Africa: causes, genesis and problems of settlement (Ethnopolitical and social aspects). Moscow, 2013, pp. 44-63.

²⁵ EAC Vision 2050: Regional Vision for Socio-Economic Transformation and Development. Arusha, 2015.

²⁶ http://www.federation.eac.int/

²⁷ http://www.kituochakatiba.org/. On the main page of the site, in addition to the flags of the five EAC member countries, the sixth one is displayed-the flag of Zanzibar, which recalls the archipelago's own, continuing constitutional tradition, which historically had statehood, but is now an autonomous unit within the ORT.

^{Sezibera R.} 28 Letter from the Future to Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, with whom it all Began [2014] http://www.eac.int/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=1736:letter-from-the-fu ture-to-mwalimu-julius-nyerere-with-whom-it-all-began-&catid=146:press-releases&Itemid= 194

²⁹ http://ncpr.eac.int/

³⁰ См., например: https://www.facebook.com/myuhurukenyatta/photos/a.1166126746749210.1073742229.1488 74415141120/1166131596748725/?type=3&theater

³¹ Similar problems accompany integration in other regions of Africa. See, for example, Denisova T. S. ECOWAS and problems of regional peacemaking (to the 40th anniversary of ECOWAS) / / Asia and Africa Today. 2015, N 9. P. 37. (Denisova T. S. 2015. ECOWAS and the Problems of Regional Peacekeeping (on the 40th Anniversary of the ECOWAS) // Aziya i Afrika segodnya. N 9) (in Russian)

³² See. about Nigeria as an "unequal marriage" North and South: Adekunle J. The 1914 Amalgamation in Nigeria: "An Unholy Alliance?" // Federalism in Africa: Problems and Prospects. Federalism in Africa: Problems and Perspectives. M., ИАфр PAH, 2015, с 158.

^{Sezibera R.} 33 Op. cit.

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