Keywords: ethnopolitical conflicts, violence, women and children in conflicts

O. B. GROMOVA

Candidate of Historical Sciences

Numerous ethnic and political conflicts and civil wars that have engulfed a number of African countries in the last decades of the past and at the beginning of this century have particularly affected the situation of the most vulnerable groups of the population - women and children.

Women and children primarily suffer from the economic, social and other consequences of the conflict - the collapse of the national economy and basic social services, the decline of traditional farming, ruin, impoverishment, hunger, exhaustion, unsanitary conditions and various diseases. Tens of thousands of civilians are becoming homeless. Homeless women and their children are fleeing the devastated villages en masse in search of safe haven. They make up about 80% of all African refugees.

In the DRC, for example, there were approximately 1.6 million internally displaced persons at the end of 2005. Hundreds of thousands of refugees were heading to Burundi, Rwanda, Sudan and other nearby countries1. The number of Somali refugees has exceeded 1.5 million, most of them in neighboring Kenya and Ethiopia, as well as in Yemen. More than 2.7 million people have fled from Sudan's Darfur province since the worst phase of the conflict between the central Government and local rebels began in 2003. There are ² residents.

A WAR WITHOUT VIOLENCE IS NOT A WAR

The "culture of violence" generated by armed confrontation is perceived as an inevitable consequence of war and becomes a "norm", that is, a widespread, everyday and systematic act in a protracted crisis lasting for years.

African women have been most affected by the brutality of wars and conflicts on the continent. The abduction of women is often the main target of aggressive attacks on populated areas, carried out by both insurgents and government soldiers. Women are also the main victims of crimes: murder, degrading cruelty, brutal bullying, deliberate mutilation, forced prostitution and gang rape. For example, in Sierra Leone, during the nearly 10-year conflict, the Revolutionary United Front (ROF) cut off women's noses and ears, gouged out their eyes, and chopped off their hands and feet. Soldiers of the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) in northern Uganda also did the same.

Rape has been and remains a component of all conflicts and wars in Africa (in Sierra Leone, Liberia, Rwanda, Burundi, DRC, Uganda, Sudan and other countries). In the absence of husbands and male relatives who have either died or are directly involved in the fighting, women, especially in villages, are left vulnerable to the threat of violence or abduction, which is widespread in areas of armed conflict. Thus, rape accompanied by the killing of the victim was part of the campaign of genocide in Rwanda. During the spring months of 1994 alone, more than 250,000 people were subjected to violence. women ³.

Violence against women was carried out on a massive scale during the civil wars (1990s-early 2000s) in Sierra Leone and Liberia. In Sierra Leone, approximately 86% of women victims of abduction and refugees have been raped.⁴ A 2005 World Health Organization (WHO) survey indicated that 90% of Liberian women have suffered physical and sexual violence, and 3 out of every four Liberian women have been raped.⁵

Mozambique's long-running civil war has also left hundreds of thousands of women victims of sexual abuse.

International humanitarian organizations have noted inr-

There are numerous cases of rape in the war zone in eastern DRC: about 25,000 in 2005 and almost 16,000 in 2008.6 The actual number ^of victims appears to be much higher, as many women hide the abuse for fear of being perceived as "disgraced" and becoming social outcasts.

The female population in remote rural areas of the DRC's northern and eastern provinces, where military operations are still ongoing, lives in constant fear. Women and girls are afraid to go out in the fields, to get water, firewood, or to the local market, where they may be abducted, killed, or raped. In the villages of the north-eastern provinces of the Congo, almost every woman has been sexually assaulted at some time by soldiers, militants or local militia members.⁷

Tens of thousands of women and girls have been subjected to various forms of violence in the Darfur province of Sudan. Bullying and sexual abuse were "common practices" there for members of the Government army and Janjaweed militia. The raped victim was marked with a lifelong brand, burned on the forehead or on ^the arm8.

The number of cases of rape of women has also increased in Nigeria, in the Niger Delta region, where the separatist movement has intensified and armed clashes between rebels and army units are taking place. In Ethiopia, according to Human Rights Watch, in 2007, the Government armed forces conducted a special military operation against separatist rebels in Ogaden, "reinforcing" the fighting with the killing of civilians, expelling them from villages, and torturing and raping local women.⁹

Female displaced persons also have a hard time.

Everywhere in the refugee camps, violence has become the " norm of life."

Widows, unmarried girls, and women with children are particularly affected. There are known cases of gang rapes of Somali refugee women by militants and male refugees in an overcrowded (there are about 300 thousand people) tent camp (or rather, a group of camps) Dadaab in northeastern Kenya. A similar situation is observed in the Kakumu camp, located in northwestern Kenya near the Sudanese border.

Kofi Annan, when he was UN Secretary-General, pointed out that acts of violence are political and symbolic. They infringe on a woman's sense of self-worth and cause moral, psychological, and material damage to her family and the entire community.¹⁰

For rebel groups interested in escalating the conflict, the mass rape of women belonging to an" enemy "ethnic group or political grouping symbolizes not only the dominance of the" stronger sex "over the" weaker", but also the victory of one male group over another.¹¹

Systematic sexual violence turns into a form of torture, punishment and humiliation of the individual, becoming a kind of instrument of "ethnic cleansing". In Rwanda, for example, during the Hutu genocide of the Tutsis, it was women - the symbol and bearers of cultural and ethnic identity, the producers of the next generation, the keepers of the home - who were the main targets of aggression, terror, brutality and violence. In some cases, mass rapes as part of genocidal campaigns served the purposes of"forced reproduction". So, in Sudan, children born as a result of the rape of an African woman-a kind of" war trophy "- by an Arab"winner", in accordance with Muslim tradition, are identified by their paternal side. Arab men from the north and west-

South African women were deliberately raped in various regions in order to replenish the population of the south of the country at the expense of "Arab" children, change the demographic situation, and divide the local population based on ethnicity.

The situation is compounded by the fact that in many countries of the continent, violence against enemies, that is, representatives of another ethnic group or denomination, is considered permissible, and often even encouraged.

As a rule, sexual abuse is committed with the tacit approval or consent of the military leadership of both the rebels and the Government army, which is either unable to control the situation or is itself involved in such actions. Until recently, neither the police nor the authorities considered rape to be a crime, which meant that it went unpunished. The Government of the Sudan, for example, acknowledged isolated cases of sexual abuse carried out in Darfur by Janjaweed fighters, but rejected the appalling information provided by international humanitarian organizations about the many victims of violence in that province.

According to the human rights organization Amnesty International, impunity for abuse of women during and after conflict is still common in a number ^of African countries12.

Women who give birth to an enemy's child become a "disgrace" to the family and the entire community. They are deprived of the opportunity to remarry, return to their native village and to their former life. Rejected by their family and society, they often find themselves in the position of outcasts without any hope of receiving help and support from their loved ones. They are also not saved by fleeing to cities or camps for displaced persons, where these women are among the most vulnerable groups in terms of violence carried out against them. The grave consequences of mass rapes are also reflected in the fate of children born as a result of sexual abuse: the mother and child are abandoned by the husband, relatives and tribesmen, and they are deprived of shelter. Another challenge faced by victims of sexual abuse in post-conflict societies is the increase in" domestic " violence, which is even more widespread than during conflict. At the family level, extreme mistreatment of women who are accused of prostitution, adultery, and other "sins" is becoming the norm.¹³

WAR AND AIDS

Violence, especially sexual violence, has disastrous physical, moral and psychological consequences for its victims. It is a serious threat to women's health, being one of the causes of the spread of sexually transmitted diseases and AIDS. Militants, up to 80% of whom are estimated to be carriers of these infections, often deliberately infect women. At the same time, victims, as a rule, do not seek medical help, even if they have such an opportunity, for fear of earning the contempt of others.

In addition to physical suffering, there are also moral and emotional experiences that cause feelings of constant fear and hopelessness, apathy, depression, insomnia; among rogue women, suicides are not uncommon. All this was observed in Sierra Leone, Liberia and other countries.

In Rwanda, for example, women who survived the genocide of the 1990s experienced extreme depression, experienced constant nightmares, and even showed outbursts of rage against their own children. In Angola, about 15% of the population has suffered from a mental disorder as a result of prolonged armed conflict.

Until recently, most countries on the continent did not have laws on sexual violence. Under the pressure of the international community represented by international organizations, primarily the UN, African governments, with the assistance of local public organizations, are beginning to take the first "timid" steps to bring war criminals to justice, eliminate discrimination and end violence against women. (These requirements, by the way, are enshrined in the additional Protocol of 2003 to the African Charter on Human and Peoples ' Rights).

In Sierra Leone, a parliamentary commission to investigate war crimes was established after the end of the war, with a special focus on establishing special rehabilitation programs for women victims of the conflict.

In the DRC, a law on punishing perpetrators of sexual violence and providing assistance to its victims was adopted in 2006. Several Congolese officers and soldiers accused of this crime were given long-term prison sentences.¹⁴ The country already has programs that provide medical, psychological, material and legal assistance to victims.

FEMALE SOLDIERS

Although African women tend to be victims of violence during conflicts, it is not uncommon for them to become active and directly involved in armed conflict, whether on the rebel side or as part of the regular army, support groups or support personnel.

During the years of the national liberation movement and civil wars in such countries as Eritrea, South Africa, Zimbabwe, Namibia, Mozambique, Angola, etc.,

women morally and physically, although not necessarily with weapons in their hands, supported their husbands, fathers, brothers, and tribesmen, and on an equal basis with men endured the hardships of military life, helping soldiers with household chores (washing, cooking) and caring for the wounded. In Angola, it was the women that the MPLA recruited into its armed units who went out at night to get water and food, because it was easier for them to get through the UNITA rebel group's posts.¹⁵

As a rule, women did not participate in later armed conflicts of their own free will, but rather at the behest of insurgents, who abducted them and forcibly recruited them to farm in military camps, provide sexual services, and use them as fighters during armed clashes.

"Volunteers" were usually girls and women who had fled from occupied rural areas, where unemployment, poverty, hunger, lack of means of subsistence and any life prospects pushed them to participate in the conflict. The reasons for joining the rebels could also be the desire to save their own lives, the lives of their loved ones, or the desire to avenge the death of their relatives. In Sierra Leone, for example, during the 10-year war, girls were willing to join the rebels, in particular, the ROF, in which they made up about 25% of the available staff. Some of them even commanded "women's battalions" or were members of military councils. For successful participation in military operations, girls "received" husbands ¹⁶.

In Liberia, young women, driven by a desire to protect themselves and their families, fought as part of the rebel group Liberians United for Reconciliation and Democracy (OLPD). In one of the groups - Red Light-approximately 16% of the combat personnel were women ¹⁷.

Representatives of the weaker sex also participated in acts of violence directed against enemy civilians, including women. In Rwanda, for example, they often became accomplices and perpetrators of criminal acts during the 1994 genocide. Participating in acts of violence was seen by women as an opportunity to humiliate male enemies.

During the war in Sierra Leone, women engaged in "raiding" and looting, showing extreme cruelty towards civilians, even causing injuries. Some women who were abducted and forcibly recruited by the insurgents, finding themselves in a desperate situation, became real criminals.¹⁸ It was hard for them both in the war and with the onset of peace: mental disorders, difficulties with adapting to peaceful life and social reintegration became the price of combat experience.

THEY HAVE LEARNED NOT TO BACK DOWN IN THE FACE OF DIFFICULTIES

Prolonged civil wars and armed conflicts have unexpectedly led to some positive changes in gender relations, affecting the traditional role of African women in the family, household and social life.

The high mortality rate among men who participated in combat operations led to significant demographic shifts and a numerical preponderance of the female population over the male population in some regions. In Rwanda, for example, after the 1994 genocide, there were 6 women for every four men (according to some estimates, this proportion was 1: 7). In some parts of the country, women accounted for about 80% of the population.¹⁹

In the absence of husbands and male relatives, women willy-nilly become more independent in socio-economic terms. The war forces them to rely only on themselves. Moreover, there were many large families headed by women-wives and widows of men who had joined the army, gone missing, captured, displaced, or died. In Rwanda, for example, during the first three months of the genocide, 34% of households were headed by women, 60% of whom were widows.²⁰

In a situation of conflict, aggravated by the disintegration of the traditional family and community structures, the number of families in which women were forced to take on new responsibilities - taking care of the maintenance and food of children, the elderly, and incapacitated relatives-increased. The reallocation of family responsibilities led to an increase in the social status of women, who, in search of additional income, became increasingly involved in previously closed areas of activity. In cities where women fled the horrors of war and violence, they began to engage not only in their traditional market trade, but also in small businesses, as well as successfully "master" the informal sector of the urban economy.

African women fully demonstrated their ability to act confidently and independently in the difficult situation of the war and post-war period. There was also a woman's awareness of herself as a person who deserves equal rights with men, and this, in turn, led to an increase in their role in political life. A similar situation has been observed in all African countries that have been affected by conflict at one time or another. In Chad, for example, it was not uncommon for men who were still alive after fighting to leave their wives and children and go to work in other countries, often without returning, and women got used to solving all their problems on their own.

In Angola, during the post-war economic downturn, it was women who were responsible for the survival of the family, which eventually led to the strengthening of their position in society. With the expansion of the role of women, the gender configuration of Somali society has also begun to change.²¹

Even in extremely difficult conditions-

while living in displaced persons ' camps, refugee women adapt to difficulties by using scarce material resources, such as humanitarian aid, to set up small businesses - small businesses that make clothes, bake bread, etc., and generate a certain income. ²²

African women's active participation in peacemaking has been a testament to the growing social role of African women during the crisis years. During the wars and conflicts in Sierra Leone, Liberia, Angola and other countries, numerous women's organizations, associations and associations emerged, whose primary task was to promote peace. For example, women in long-running conflict-ridden West African countries have repeatedly called for a negotiated settlement of ethnic and political differences, as well as for an end to physical and sexual violence. The Liberian Women's Initiative has been actively involved in national programmes for the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration of conflict participants, working with the United Nations Mission in Liberia. Women's peace efforts accelerated the signing of a peace agreement in the country and the end of the civil war in 2003.

Sierra Leonean women's organizations played a prominent role in organizing a civil disobedience campaign against the military leaders who overthrew the legitimately elected civilian Government ^{in May 1997.23}

Participation in peacemaking has increased women's legislative intervention, especially in the area of protection from sexual violence. For example, the Liberian Association of Women Lawyers assisted in the drafting (in January 2006) of a new Rape Accountability Law24.

I must say that the growing economic, social and political activity of women was met with misunderstanding, and sometimes resistance from the representatives of the"stronger sex". As a result, the situation of many women has not improved, but has even worsened.²⁵ The men who returned from the war tried to put women back in their "former place", regain their lost supremacy over them, and strengthen the shattered family foundations by resorting to a proven means - various forms of humiliation and violence, primarily domestic. It is also difficult for women - former soldiers-to live in a new, peaceful life, who are cautiously, and sometimes with hostility, met by society because their recent actions did not correspond to the stereotypes of female behavior. They are excluded from veterans ' organizations, restricted or banned from participating in post-war economic recovery processes, and denied access to education and vocational training.

However, it soon became clear that African women who had demonstrated their ability to survive in conflict situations would not return to their former dependent position and would choose to control their own destiny. As stated by one of the Rwandan women senators (half of the country's MPs are women), "the men are watching us. They are wondering if we will rise to a higher level. We learn quickly because we have to learn. We can't be like men - we have to become better than them. " ²⁶

* * *

African society, where socio-economic inequality between the sexes generally persists, is undergoing significant changes. The increase in the number of women of the fairer sex in government structures, even in the security agencies of African countries, is already a reality. In Liberia, where the President is a woman - Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, as well as in South Africa, Rwanda, Burundi, Mozambique and other countries of the continent, a significant number of women already occupy high positions. The need to give women equal rights with men is highlighted in national and regional programmes and action plans that recognize the advancement of women in African society.

(The ending follows)

¹ www.UNICEF.org

² African Research Bulletin. Political, social and cultural series. Exeter, 2008. Vol. 45. N 12. P. 17796.

³ What women do in wartime. Gender and conflict in Africa. L., N.Y., 1998. P. 102.

⁴ IDS Bulletin. Oxford, 2009. Vol. 40. N 2. P. 50.

⁵ Ibidem.

⁶ African Research Bulletin... 2008. Vol. 45. N 7. P. 17608.

⁷ www.UNICEF.org

⁸ The crisis in Darfur: A new front in Sudan's bloody war; and condemning the government of the Republic ot the Sudan for its attacks against innocent civilians in the impoverished Darfur region of Western Sudan: Hearing and markup before the Committee on international relations. House of representatives. May 6, 2004. Wash. P. 47.

⁹ African Research Bulletin... 2008. Vol. 45. N 6. P. 17576; Studies in conflict and terrorism. Wash., 2009. Vol. 32. N 2. P. 10.

¹⁰ West Africa. L., 2002. N 351. P. 9.

¹¹ Ethnopolitical conflict: Ways of transformation, Moscow, 2007, p. 101.

¹² Kompas, Moscow, 2009, N 41, pp. 41-42; African Research Bulletin... 2008. Vol. 45. N 6. P. 17578.

¹³ Ibid.; African Research Bulletin... 2007. Vol. 44. N 10. P. 17256.

¹⁴ Kompas... p. 48.

¹⁵ Militarization, warfare and the search for peace in Angola. The contribution of Angolan Women. Pretoria, 2001. P. 1.

¹⁶ African Affairs. Oxford, 2005. Vol. 104. N 417. P. 576, 578.

¹⁷ The Journal of modern African studies. Cambridge, 2008. Vol. 46. N 1. P. 38.

¹⁸ Beyond to cooperate: conflict, peace and people in Sierra-Leone. Geneva, 2000. P. 146.

¹⁹ Africa Renewal. N.Y., 2006. Vol. 20. N 2. P. 9.

²⁰ Africa Insight. Pretoria, 2009. Vol. 39. N 4. P. 65 - 66.

²¹ African Affairs... N 416. P. 531.

²² Forced Migration Review. Oxford, 2009. N 32. P. 76.

²³ IDS Bulletin... P. 51; What women do in wartime... P. 131.

²⁴ IDS Bulletin... P. 52 - 53.

²⁵ Ethnopolitical conflict... p. 108.

²⁶ The New York Times. 2005. March 9.

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