Keywords: Tanzania, Zanzibar, Abeid Amani Karume, J. Nyerere

From the editorial office. The publication in April 2012 in the magazine "Asia and Africa Today" of an essay about the events that took place on the remote African island of Zanzibar in the early 70s of the last century may cause at least some of our readers questions.

Why does the magazine devote quite a lot of space to, in general, an ordinary event by then standards - the murder of a well-known political figure in East Africa, A. A. Karuma? In those years, such crimes were committed on the continent almost quarterly. Is it possible to guarantee that the author-then a Soviet graduate student - was sufficiently fully aware of the obvious and secret murder levers? What can contemporary politicians and historians learn from his analysis of what happened?

To begin with, the author - O. I. Teterin-in 1965-1966, as a fifth-year student at the Institute of Oriental Languages at Moscow State University (IVYA, now ISAA MSU), worked as a Swahili translator for the first group of Soviet military specialists in Zanzibar through the Ministry of Defense of the USSR. And he witnessed what was then called "revolutionary changes" in the island part of the United Republic of Tanzania (ORT) after the armed coup in January 1964 that eliminated the Sultan's regime, which was based on the British colonial administration. Moreover, he closely followed the development of the internal political struggle in Zanzibar even before A. A. Karume was killed, and, by and large, as the text below shows, to some extent foresaw the development of events in this scenario. Eyewitness accounts are always interesting, and therefore, we believe, the range of readers of this publication will be quite wide.

It is also valuable that the author deeply and thoroughly analyzes these events, paying attention, first of all, to such moments as the clan struggle for power, which, in the end, led to a tragic outcome. Plus-and this is also important - he notes the clear opposition of various ethnic groups, of which there are so many in Africa.

The author gives brief descriptions of a number of political figures in Tanzania in the mid-1960s and early 1970s, and not all of them arouse unconditional sympathy. Here we must take into account that by that time, less than a decade had passed since Zanzibar gained independence, and the African political culture was still being formed. The essay also gives an idea of this stage of the formation of this culture, which is relatively poorly covered in the press.

We will not reveal a big secret if we say that the material is based on an analytical note sent by the author to the director of the Institute of Africa of the USSR Academy of Sciences V. G. Solodovnikov. Naturally, the leadership was concerned, first of all, about what "springs" worked during the preparation of the attempt on A. A. Karume, and whether in this case there were not only "intra-country", but also far-reaching "pan-African" motives for the crime. The idea of this was directly suggested by the mysterious death (or deliberate destruction) its direct performers. The author coped with the task, and now we can say that his note was highly appreciated at that time.

Probably, those readers of the magazine who think about what "invisible to the world" forces are leading the "Arab revolutions" today, like the forces that operated in Tanzania 40 years ago, and also how and by whom the murder of M. Gaddafi, who shared the tragic fate of A. A. Karume, was organized, will be right.

Probably, some day there will be very young witnesses who will tell about this as well.

We don't have long to wait.

Only forty years old.

On April 7, 1972, its leader, the First Vice-President of Tanzania, the President of Zanzibar, Abeid Amani Karume (b.1906), was assassinated in the headquarters of the Afro-Shirazi Party (Afro-Shirazi Party) in Zanzibar; the General Secretary of the Afro-Shirazi Party, Thabit Kombo, was seriously injured. Immediately thereafter, a state of emergency was declared in the island part of the United Republic of Tanzania (ORT), a curfew was imposed, airports and seaports were closed, and telegraph communications were interrupted. Planes and ships were forbidden to approach the islands.

This event was briefly reported by one of our newspapers. I began to track the information, hoping to find out more details, I looked through the AF's Tass sheets... There were no reports from the TASS sobkor in Dar es Salaam, as well as from the offices of a number of Soviet newspapers in Tanzania and in the East African region. Some things caught my eye, but, in general, I did not find answers to the questions "who, what and why".

Then, while completing my PhD thesis on Zanzibar at the Institute of Africa of the USSR Academy of Sciences ¹, I prepared a certificate "On the assassination of the first Vice-President of Tanzania A. A. Karume", put the date "19 / IV-1972", and handed it over to the management. It is based on materials collected both during my work in Zanzibar and during the preparation of my dissertation, as well as my own vision of what happened and the situation in the country in general.

The director of the Institute, V. G. Solodovnikov, made a "markup" (I saw it), sent my certificate to " S. P. Kozyrev "(Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs), "R. A. Ulyanovsk" (deputy head of the International Department of the Central Committee of the CPSU), the KGB and other departments (a typewritten copy of this "initiative note", as it is called). titled before sending to instances, of course, without "markup", I keep it in my archive).

A summary of this document follows.

"...According to reports from Zanzibar radio and Western news agencies, the murder was committed by four people-three Africans and one Arab. One of them was shot dead on the spot, the rest managed to escape, and the next day they were discovered by security forces in the village of Bumbwini (a few miles from Zanzibar). In the ensuing shootout, two were killed, and the third committed suicide. This is the official version of the fate of the criminals.

The city of Zanzibar and the islands as a whole remained calm. On April 9, the Revolutionary Council, the ruling body of Zanzibar, announced that it would continue to carry out its duties and implement the policies of the late President of Zanzibar. On April 10, the funeral of A. Karume was held, which was attended by the President of Tanzania, J. R. R. Tolkien. Nyerere, and the Zanzibar leadership was represented by Aboud Jumbe, a Minister of State in the Office of the First Vice-President of Tanzania. On April 11, he was appointed Chairman of the Revolutionary Council and President of the ACP. Nyerere announced the appointment of A. Giumbe as the first Vice-President of ORT.

In Tanzania, there are different views on the motives for the crime. Authorities on the mainland believe that this is an isolated murder, and not an organized attempt to overthrow the government on the islands. On the contrary, the statements of a number of high-ranking Zanzibar figures (Seif Bakari, Colonel, Chief Political Commissar in the Zanzibar army, Chief of Army Security; Edington Kisasi, Police Commissioner; Ibrahim Makungu, Colonel, head of security agencies) are reduced to the fact that the killers sought to overthrow the Karume regime. According to unofficial data, several servicemen, including one captain, were involved in the murder. A curious statement by a representative of a group of Zanzibar emigrants who settled in Dubai, that "Karume was killed by commandos on the instructions of groups aiming to liberate the island."

What is behind these messages? To what extent are they reliable? Let's try to answer these questions.

If we analyze the internal political situation in Zanzibar, it should be emphasized that the murder of A. Karume is not just a terrorist act of a certain group of fanatics.

Having come to power after the Zanzibar revolution on January 12, 1964, A. Karume took all measures to remove potential rivals from himself. And the first blow fell on those Zanzibar figures who had undoubtedly served in the national liberation struggle and in the revolution. Among them, first of all, are Abdullah Qassim Hangu (1932-1969), as well as Osman Sharif and Abdulrahman Mohammed Babu (1924-1996).

Hanga, one of the leading political figures in Zanzibar, had a lot to do with the distribution of posts in the Zanzibar Government. Thus, at his insistence, A. Karuma was granted the post of President of Zanzibar. Hanga made no secret of the fact that it would be nothing more than a" tribute to the age of A. Karume", and all the actual power would be concentrated in the hands of young ACP figures, including in his hands as Prime Minister.

A. K. Hanga, who was educated in the USSR, was known for his sympathies for the Soviet Union and his desire to follow the example of our country in building socialism in Zanzibar, and he was also an active supporter of unification with Tanganyika. Hanga strongly opposed A. M. Babu, who maintained close contacts with China and Japan.-

* In 1960-1961, he studied at the Peoples ' Friendship University in Moscow. Patrice Lumumba. Hanga, according to some sources, in particular his wife, Lia Oliverovna Golden, received a diploma No. 1 graduate of this university (approx. author's note).

He was opposed to the idea of unification with Tanganyika, and objected to his appointment to high positions in the revolutionary government. In this regard, A. Karume supported Hangu, and, at the same time, he saw Hangu as a dangerous rival for himself as the country's president, given the latter's great popularity among the African population.

Thus, even in the first months after the January revolution, a very acute, albeit hidden, struggle for power was unfolding in Zanzibar. And the fact that A. Karume, a very moderate figure against both Hanga and Babu, eventually won the upper hand in this struggle, the decisive role was played by the support of J. R. R. Tolkien. Nyerere, who was one of the initiators of the unification of Tanganyika with Zanzibar. The creation of the Union (April 26, 1964) significantly strengthened Karume's position in Zanzibar. In particular, this was reflected in the fact that Hanga, Babu, Sharif and some others were transferred to Dar es Salaam in the central government of Tanzania. The appointment of these individuals to" honorary " positions meant, at the same time, that they were excluded from participation in the affairs of the Zanzibar government; accordingly, their influence on supporters who occupied a leading position in the ACP Youth League, a very influential organization, in the trade unions, among the members of the Revolutionary Council, was limited.

After the unification of the islands, the cult of personality of A. Karume was developing, which intensified in the following years. This led to the fact that in 1967-1968. Karume effectively usurped power, taking charge of such important institutions in Zanzibar as the Ministries of Commerce and Finance, putting under his control the activities of state security agencies.

The excessive concentration of power in the hands of one person - Karume-was largely explained by the unfavorable situation in the country's economic development due to the hasty implementation of a number of measures, ill-considered decisions on certain issues. Karume and his inner circle blamed the difficulties on a number of heads of individual institutions, accusing them of waste, embezzlement of State property and corruption (Saleh Saadala, Abdulaziz Twala). These measures were necessary in order to somehow smooth out their own mistakes. Meanwhile, many of Zanzibar's leaders, including Karume, used their position for personal gain. Against the background of the bulk of the population, their well-being was sharply evident.

The trend of increasing Karume's personal power also reflected the complex relationships within the Zanzibar leadership. Over the past few years, Karume has taken a number of drastic measures to finally eliminate potential rivals. And the matter was not limited to transferring them to the continental part of the republic.

In 1965, O. Sharif (in the 1950s, he contested with Karume the rights of the leader of the ACP), as the ORT ambassador to the United States, was unexpectedly recalled and sent to Zanzibar, where he was brought before the Revolutionary Council on charges of plotting against the government of Zanzibar. Only after the intervention of J. R. R. Tolkien. In Nyerere, he was released and returned to Tanganyika, where he continued to work as a veterinarian.

Subsequently, A. Karume repeatedly used "conspiracies" to deal with persons he did not like. The most characteristic is the so-called "Hangi case".

In 1965, Hanga wanted to resign as Minister of Union Affairs, but Karuma managed to dissuade him from this step. In 1966, there was a conflict between him and Karume due to disagreements over the internal development of Zanzibar. For a time, he was taken under the protection of J. R. R. Tolkien. Nyerere and Oscar Kambona (General Secretary of the ruling TANU Party).

After the conflict with J. R. R. Tolkien, Nyerere and the flight of O. Kambona from the country (in 1967), Nyerere's confidence in Hanga fell. He was removed from the ORT Cabinet, and after a trip abroad in 1967 (to Guinea), Hangu was arrested and imprisoned. Taking advantage of this, A. Karume stripped him of all posts in the Zanzibar government, and he was banned from entering Zanzibar.

Later, J. R. R. Tolkien Nyerere apologized to Hanga for the unjustified arrest. However, in August 1969, he was again arrested (as was O. Sharif) and transferred to Zanzibar, where he was immediately imprisoned. The reasons for the arrest were not announced. It was only in October 1969, after disclosing the anti-government activities of a number of senior officials in Dar Es Salaam, that the Zanzibar authorities announced that A. K. Hanga, O. Sharif, and 12 other Zanzibaris, some of them military personnel, had attempted a coup in Zanzibar. Four people, including Hanga and Sharif, were sentenced to death by a secret court composed of members of the Revolutionary Council. According to some sources, the sentence was carried out in the first days after the disclosure of this "conspiracy". However, there is also other information, with-

according to which Hanga may not have been shot and continues to be held in custody. One way or another, A. Karume achieved the main goal - to present Hangu in the eyes of Zanzibaris as a "traitor to the nation".

It is unlikely that there was a conspiracy in Zanzibar in the sense that the leaders of the country themselves put into this word. In this case, it could obviously be a group of people close to the ruling elite, including the military, who are dissatisfied with certain methods of leadership, with certain aspects of the country's internal development. Perhaps the group moved to some other, secret actions after a number of "discontented" people were repressed, and in their plans they wanted to find a "cover" in the person of A. K. Hangi, still very popular in Zanzibar, although without informing him about it.

Had it not been for the disclosure of the activities of the anti-government group in Dar es Salaam, there would probably have been no disclosure of the "conspiracy" in Zanzibar. It would have been limited to such measures as indoctrination, demotion, expulsion from various institutions, etc. But A. Karume did not fail to take advantage of the favorable moment in order to finally "get rid" of the undesirable Hangi and Sharif, who knew a lot about Karume's real role in preparing for the revolution and participating in it.

In May 1971, a new conspiracy involving 19 people, mostly of Arab and Persian origin, was announced in Zanzibar. They were charged with attempting to overthrow the Karume government. It is noteworthy that the conspirators were arrested as early as August 1970. How can we explain that their discovery took place almost a year later?

In 1970, a broad campaign, openly nationalistic in nature, was launched in Zanzibar against certain groups of the non-African population-Comorans, Arabs, so-called Persians. The Comorans were accused of not accepting Zanzibar citizenship; the Arabs and Persians were accused of being exploiters, capitalists who hindered the development of Zanzibar, despised Africans, and did not want to marry their daughters to Africans. Thus, if earlier the Zanzibar government and A. Karume personally only called on Indians, Persians, Comorans to show a more loyal attitude to Africans, to promote the marriage of their children with them, now the leadership of Zanzibar has moved to decisive action.

The excesses in national politics, in relation to national minorities, found concentrated expression, reached their climax, with the marriage of a number of leading figures, including Karume, to Arab and Persian girls (some of them were still in school). This caused a sharp indignation of the families of the victims, whose heads were subjected to repression (and corporal punishment). All their fault was that they opposed the forced marriage of their children to members of the Revolutionary Council.

The plot, which was revealed only in May 1971, became an integral part of this campaign, especially since the majority of the conspirators were non-Africans. It was used by the Zanzibar authorities as a preventive measure to curb the discontent of the non-African part of the population. The plausibility of the official version - an attempted coup - is very doubtful, if only because in January 1972, the death sentences of all its participants were commuted to such a punishment as working on livestock farms from 3 to 10 years.

With these and other measures, A. Karume further established himself as a strong personality in Zanzibar, relying on his closest supporters in the person of T. Kombo, A. Jumbe - Minister of State, Yusuf Himidi - commander of the armed forces in Zanzibar (by the way, one of Karume's sons married Himidi's daughter), E. Kisasi-Commissioner of Police.

At the same time, the Hanga affair, an easily exposed" conspiracy "was used to distract the Zanzibar people from the country's economic problems and may have been deliberately inflated for this purpose. They seemed to indicate that the country remains tense due to the" machinations of the enemies of the revolution", creating difficulties and hindering their overcoming.

On the other hand, the revelations of the "conspirators", the alleged or direct involvement of some Zanzibar figures in them, of course, also indicate the presence of friction in the Zanzibar leadership or differences on certain issues within it. Obviously, this is the reason for the repeated reshuffles in the government, the promotion of friends of Karume and his relatives to responsible posts (in 1968, T. Kombo became Minister of Commerce, and his nephew

- Rashid Abdullah - Minister of Agriculture) and the removal of a number of figures. So, the last reshuffle was made in February 1972. Ali Sultan Issa and Ahmed Kullatain, long - time supporters of AM Babu, lost their ministerial posts. They were removed from the Revolutionary Council. At the same time, Karume's youngest son, Ali Abeid Karume, was appointed one of the Deputy Ministers of Commerce.

"Preventive" measures or reprisals against prominent figures in the past (with Hanga, for example), who have many supporters on the islands, did not at all contribute to creating a favorable internal political environment for successful development along the non-capitalist path chosen by Zanzibar. This was already understood by some Zanzibar leaders who hold important positions in the state and party structure.

Karume's actions, as well as the tendency to concentrate power in his hands, caused them to be somewhat displeased and apprehensive about their own situation. It is also quite possible that failures in the economic sphere (especially in agriculture) caused them to doubt the correctness of Karume's methods of governing the country.

If it is difficult to talk about the existence of any opposition to A. Karuma, then, in any case, we can talk about a certain part of the leaders of the Youth League (whose role in the life of the country is steadily increasing), who are both prominent party and military leaders who opposed A. Karuma and his inner circle to a certain extent. They believe that the country's revolutionary development has slowed down, mainly due to the extremely low general education level of the majority of government members and A. Karume himself.

Back in 1966, S. Bakari (who is also the chairman of the ML ACP and secretary of the ACP), commenting on certain "initiatives" of Karume, repeatedly said something like: "the old man is burying himself." Suleiman Ali Ma, a former graduate student ^of the UDN Zanzibari (who returned to Zanzibar after defending his dissertation in 1970.2, where he works in the Ministry of Commerce, one of the founders of the ML ACP) openly admitted that Karume was the main obstacle to the country's development, and spoke of the need to remove him from the leadership. Before leaving for his homeland (April 1971), S. Mnogha, in a conversation with me, made a very definite hint that "in a year or a year and a half serious events will occur in Zanzibar."

From what has been said, it can be assumed that Zanzibar obviously had plans to remove A. Karume from the leadership. The murder of Karume confirms this. In our opinion, given Karume's position in the state and party structure, and given the well-organized security service in Zanzibar (which was created and trained by GDR specialists), it was impossible to eliminate him except by physically eliminating him.

The nature of the crime, the ease with which it was committed, ³ and the fact that all the murderers are dead, suggest that this is a political assassination, which may have involved various groups in the less monolithic Zanzibar leadership. Some people were no longer satisfied with Karume as the country's leader. Others have not forgotten or forgiven Karuma for dealing with his opponents or rivals (such as Hanga)^.4

In our opinion, some high-ranking leaders (in the Youth League, the army, and state security) are somehow involved in Karume's murder. It is noteworthy that the first to announce the motives of the crime were precisely those figures who bear the main responsibility for the internal security of the country and the personal security of the President of Zanzibar. They also declared loyalty to the army and state security agencies to the government and the party. This indicates that the murder was aimed at eliminating one person, but not at overthrowing the existing system. The statement about the latter as the true cause of the crime can be regarded as an attempt by these figures to dissociate themselves from the crime itself, in which they may have taken part.

Indeed, much remains unclear to this day. For example, the fact that all the murderers are dead, the lack of information about the identification of criminals. There is also some doubt about whether all the criminals are really dead. (After all, Africa has probably never seen such cases of attempted suicide before.) Finally, the available information about the three fugitives is very contradictory: one of them allegedly died in a shootout, another died while being taken to Zanzibar, and the body of the third was found in one of the houses in the Arab quarter of the city. Meanwhile, it was reported that all three were caught up in Bumbwini.

In principle, it is possible that the murder was committed "on command" from the outside. However, this seems unlikely, given that so far the Zanzibar security service has had little difficulty exposing any conspiracy or anti-State activity (or none at all). Therefore, the statement of the Zanzibar emigrants (see above) is nothing more than an attempt to make political capital. Otherwise, the terrorists had accomplices in the person of high-ranking figures.

The elimination of" terrorists " presupposes the preservation of the murder mystery, or at least makes it more difficult to solve it. The organizers of the assassination attempt are certainly interested in this. The increased security measures on the islands announced by A. Djumbe, the announcement of an ongoing investigation into the circumstances of the murder, as well as the arrest in Dar es Salaam of A. M. Babu, A. S. Issa and A. Kullatain as persons involved in it (the latter two were until recently part of the entourage of A. Karume), are being pursued, on the basis of In our opinion, the goal is to convince the public of the reality of the attempt to overthrow the government of Zanzibar and create an appropriate reputation for the Zanzibar authorities abroad.

Karume's murder occurred on the eve of the 8th anniversary of the Union of Zanzibar and Tanganyika. In this regard, it can also be assumed that supporters of the full strengthening of the union state and the further rapprochement of Zanzibar with the mainland of the Republic participated in the conspiracy. It is important to emphasize this, especially since A. Karume strongly supported the preservation of the maxi-

The Government of Zanzibar was opposed to the territorial autonomy of the Islands and opposed any attempt or attempt to infringe on the interests of Zanzibar within the framework of the ORT. Thus, he caused some dissatisfaction with the authorities on the mainland, including President J. R. R. Tolkien. Nyerere. However, Nyerere, as a shrewd and flexible politician, attaching great importance to the Union, did not force events.

Now, following the appointment of A. Djumbe as Karume's successor, there is speculation that Djumbe, a firm believer in the Union, is an ideal candidate from Dar es Salaam's point of view.

Aboud Jumbe is an educated man (a teacher by profession), he took an active part in the political movement of the Africans of Zanzibar as one of the leaders of the Afro-Shirazi party. Occupying the second most important post in the country, A. Djumbe was still in the shadows. And in recent years, as the Zanzibarans told the author, he only followed in the wake of Karume, and nothing more.

In our opinion, the appointment of A. Djumbe to the highest posts in Zanzibar is a compromise: his candidacy obviously suits now both supporters and opponents of Karume in the country's leadership. Accordingly, his practical activities and those of the Government he heads will be built up: the gradual transition to more reasonable steps in domestic policy, the gradual democratization of social and political life, and the involvement of the broad masses of working people in more active participation in the development of the country.

Changes in the life of Zanzibar are inevitable. The murder of Karume also bears witness to this. But their immediate implementation is impossible, if only because none of the current Zanzibar figures, including A. Djumbe, will risk taking responsibility for the current situation in Zanzibar (and even more so being involved in the murder). Openly denouncing the actions and methods of Karume's leadership will mean "self-exposure" of those who stood behind him. Based on this, we should not expect any criticism of Karume either."

The reader is entitled to ask: "How did events develop after April 7, 1964?" I think it is appropriate to tell the following ⁵.

In Zanzibar, the investigation into the murder of A. Karume lasted two years and was held behind closed doors. Information about the progress of the trial, in which at least 50 "accused" were involved, on Zanzibar radio and television (since 1973).⁶) and in the press (only two editions ⁷) were completely absent. The public in the continental part of the republic was not informed about it either.

In 1975, it was announced that 34 Zanzibarans had been sentenced to death. But whether it was put into effect was not reported - until mid-1978, when the President of Zanzibar, A. Djumbe, decided to reduce the punishment of all "death row" prisoners, and, apparently, not without external influence. In particular, the human rights organization Amnesty International considered this humane decision of the authorities on the islands ⁸ to be its merit.

This, as far as we know, was put to an end - on the island part of ORT, the "case of the Karume murder"was no longer returned, there are no publications in both Tanzanian and foreign publications, and no information can be traced on the Internet.

In the first years after the murder, the memory of A. Karuma was preserved on the islands. In 1975, a monument was erected to mark the 70th anniversary of his birth. But not in the heart of the capital city of Zanzibar, as one might expect. Having visited Zanzibar in 1988, I found this monument actually on the outskirts of the city - opposite the 4-storey hotel "Bvavani" built for the reception of distinguished guests: on a swampy plot surrounded by swamps with reeds (hence the name of the hotel. "Bwawa" in Japanese. Swahili - "swamp", "swamp", "bog"). This is a full-length sculpture of Karume made of plaster, with his right hand facing the audience. Painted in a dark brown color. The height of the entire structure, created, judging by its very average artistic characteristics, by a certain local sculptor, did not exceed 2.5-3 meters.

The "Karume Museum"was also opened. However, today this museum as a landmark of the capital of the island part of ORT is not even in tourist advertising brochures.

As for the sculpture of the first president of revolutionary Zanzibar, it has not been preserved at all-I can attest to this after visiting Zanzibar in 2004.

The recent head of Zanzibar, the eldest son of the late Karume - Amani, Abeid Karume, who became president of the island part of Tanzania in 2000 (and was re-elected in 2005), could not or did not want to change anything...

¹ See: Teterin O. I. Sotsial'no-politicheskoe razvitie Zanzibara [Socio-political development of Zanzibar]. Dis. ... Candidate of Historical Sciences, Moscow, Institute of Africa, 1972.

^{Mnogha S. A.} 2 Problemy razvitiya agrarnoi ekonomiki Tanzanii [Problems of development of the agricultural economy of Tanzania]. Patrice Lumumba, 1970.

³ The assassins entered the fairly well-guarded building of the ACP headquarters, located in the city center, entered the room where A. Karume (who was constantly and everywhere accompanied by two bodyguards), T. Kombo, other leading figures and party employees were resting and playing cards, managed to fire at least 10 shots, after which three of them were killed. four of them managed to escape. This suggests that the killers either had passes to enter the building, or they were familiar with the security guards. In addition, they were apparently well aware of the premises where A. Karume was staying at that time.

⁴ In 2003, speaking at a meeting of the Academic Council of the University of Dar es Salaam, a very knowledgeable Zanzibari, Professor Haroub Osman (received his higher education at Moscow State University), whose father, Miraji Osman, was close to A. Karume, said the following: "The government [of Zanzibar] believed that there was an attempted coup. But there were also many who saw it as an act of revenge, as the president was killed by an army officer whose father was a victim of the Karume regime." Zanzibar: Milestones of Political History / / Asia and Africa Today, 2004, N 6.

⁵ For more information about Karume, see: Teterin O. I. Karume, Abeid Amani // History of Africa in Biographies, Moscow, IVI RAS (published in 2012).

⁶ In 1973, Zanzibar introduced color television. And in this capacity, it was the first in East Africa. In the continental part of ORT, television appeared only in the early 1990s.

⁷ See: Teterin O. I. Press, radio, television / / United Republic of Tanzania. Institute of Africa of the USSR Academy of Sciences (Moscow, Nauka Publishing House, 1980), pp. 222-224.

⁸ htpp://www.amnesty/org/en/library/asset/AFR56/001/2000/...

Permanent link to this publication: