Nikolai Seleznyov

History of Ecumenism: The Forgotten Early Period

Nikolai Seleznyov - Associate Professor, Institute for Oriental and Classical Studies, Russian State University for the Humanities (Moscow, Russia), nns@rsuh.ru

In the histories of ecumenism, its initial formation is usually dated by the early 20th century. The World Missionary Conference held in Edinburgh in 1910 is referred to as its "symbolic beginning". A quest for the origins of the ecumenical thought led researchers to find some early voices in the previous centuries, even as early as in the 15th - 16th с However, there are Oriental sources which witness to a much earlier formation of the ecumenical paradigm of the ecclesiological thought, typologically corresponding to the one developed in the 20th с In the Golden Age of Medieval Muslim culture under the Abbasid caliphate, an ecumenical position is witnessed to by some Middle Eastern Christian authors. In their works, the main Christian denominations are not polemically presented as opposed to each other, but on the contrary, the essential unity of various Christian beliefs is emphasized, and the ways the main Christian communities follow are claimed to be equal in value. The present article uses the Medieval Arabic sources to demonstrate that the history of the ecumenical thought should be corrected by supplying a chapter on the Medieval Eastern period of the history.

Keywords: ecumenism, ecumenical paradigm, ecumenical thought, ecumenical movement, history of ecumenism, Middle Ages, Christian Orient, Middle Eastern Christianity, Nestorians, Melkites, Jacobites, Copts, Islam, Medieval Muslim culture.

The term "ecumenism" in this article is understood as denoting the desire for unity of Christian communities, or confessions. Its broad understanding as denoting the commonality of various religious aspirations-

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religious and interreligious dialogue, or even unification for the solution of universal humanitarian issues, 1 remains outside the scope of the issues discussed below.

Almost any account of the history of ecumenism (or the "ecumenical movement") indicates that the World Missionary Conference held in Edinburgh in 1910 is considered to be its "symbolic beginning" .2 Thus, the history of ecumenism is presented as beginning in the twentieth century. Special studies devoted to this phenomenon often pay attention to previous events of this kind in the nineteenth century, sometimes bringing the search for the origins of the "ecumenical idea" to the sixteenth and even fifteenth centuries. 4 The very desire to achieve Christian unity was rightly associated by researchers with the religious policies of the Byzantine emperors and Accordingly, with the era of Ecumenical ("ecumenical") councils, 5 in which doctrinal disputes and conflicts of political interests repeatedly generated divisions among Christians. The most widespread consequences were the theological disputes over the union of the divine and the human in Christ, which was understood as the essence of the Christian faith.6 These clashes took place against the background of the desire of the Byzantine emperors to assert their influence, both ideologically and politically, which could not but meet with natural resistance and ultimately resulted in the isolation of ethno-confessional communities opposed to the policy of the Byzantine authorities.

1. Mcafee Brown, R. (2005) "Ecumenical Movement", in L. Jones [et. al.] (ed.) Encyclopedia of Religion, 2nd ed., vol. 4, p. 2683:2. Farmington, Hills, MI: Thomson Gale.

2. Kinnemon M., Cope B. Ecumenical movement. Anthology of Key Texts, Moscow: St. Andrew's Bible and Theological Institute, 2002, p. 2.

3. Rouse, R., Neill, S. С. (eds) (1954) A History of the Ecumenical Movement, 1517 - 1948. London: S. P. C. K.; Bedwell G. Istoriya Tserkvi [History of the Church]. Moscow: Khristianskaya Rossiya, 1996, P. 271.

4. Taigacheva N. G. Russkaya pravoslavnaya tserkva i ekumenizm [Russian Orthodox Church and Ecumenism]. Philosophical and religious studies analysis. Diss... Candidate of Philosophical Sciences, Moscow: MSU, 2003.

5-Taigacheva N. G. The Russian Orthodox Church and Ecumenism. 4.1. § 1-3.

6. Gordienko N. S. Modern ecumenism. Movement for the Unity of Christian Churches, Moscow: Nauka Publ., 1972, p. 8.

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The joint ventures of the emperors were unsuccessful.7 By the time Arab rule was established in Eastern and southern Europe, the Christian world was divided into several confessional communities. At the time of the emergence of the Arab Caliphate, which stretched from Bactria to Spain, these disputes remained unresolved, and the divisions they created were insurmountable. For the Muslim doxographer, the Christian East was presented as a collection of many interpretations, among which the most influential were Syro-Persian Christianity, the Greco-Roman Orthodoxy of the "Romans" and the community of opponents of the Council of Chalcedon who stood for the "one nature".

Before considering the activities of Muslim scribes who collected and systematized the information available to them about Christian communities, it is appropriate to raise the question: did the manifestations of the "ecumenical idea" take place during that very long and eventful period that separates the history (and prehistory) of the formation of the ecumenical paradigm in the West from the era of the Ecumenical Councils? is it fair to place the beginning of the history of ecumenism in the twentieth century (or even in the fifteenth century)? It is known that the ecumenical paradigm, the" symbolic beginning " of which is considered to be the World Missionary Conference of 1910, was formed mainly from the search for ways to overcome the divisions in Western Christianity - Protestant confessions, Protestantism and Catholicism, and then Protestantism, Catholicism and Byzantine-type Orthodoxy. This was the historical " material "on the basis of which the" ecumenical idea " was revealed, that is, the idea in itself that these main divided Christian confessions are essentially one, and their differences are not fundamental. But, as noted above, the history of divisions between Byzantine and Latin Christianity, and even further schisms in the West, was preceded by serious divisions that occurred as a result of Christological disputes and resulted in the formation of three denominations: "Nestorians", i.e. the community that emerged as a result of the collision of Cyril, ep. Alexandria

7. Seleznev N. N. Pax Christiana et Pax Islamica: From the history of interfaith relations in the medieval Middle East. Moscow: RSUH, 2014 - (Series: "Orientalia et Classica: Proceedings of the Institute of Oriental Cultures and Antiquity of RSUH", Issue XLV). pp. 11-31.

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(d. 444); and Nestorius, Bishop of Constantinople (d. 451); the " Melkites "(supporters of the Council of Chalcedon in 451); and the " Jacobites "(opponents of the Council of Chalcedon in 451). Was the ecumenical paradigm formed on the basis of this historical "material", did the "ecumenical idea" arise in the past? a response to Christological schisms, i.e. earlier than its appearance was announced as a reaction to later schisms?

Looking ahead, let's say: yes, the "ecumenical idea" emerged and was clearly formulated much earlier than you can read about it in the "Eurocentric" stories of ecumenism. Before pointing out the relevant sources, let us return for a moment to the writings of Muslim scribes.

As mentioned above, even in the works of fairly early Muslim polemicists, historians and researchers of religions, there is a distinction in Christianity of three main "divisions" (firak), which continues to be a feature of such works until the Ottoman era, when their compilation itself ceases to be a custom. Thus, Abdallah ibn Ismail al-Hashimi, in his epistle - an apology for Islam - written in c. 820 and addressed to the Christian Abd al-Masih ibn Ishaq al-Kindi, reports that he had conversations with the Patriarch of the Church of the East Timothy I (Timusavus al-jaslik), as well as with representatives of "these three prominent Christian churches communities" ('ahl firakikum Hadihi-s-salas allati Hiya Zahira).

"The Melkites," he writes to Al-Kindi, " are those who took the side of King Marcian during the quarrel between Nestorius and Cyril; they are the Romans (ar-Rum). The Jacobites are the most infidel, whose teaching is the most bad, and whose profession is the most bad; they are the most far-off from the truth, speaking according to the teachings of Cyril of Alexandria, James Baradaeus (al-Barda'ani), and Severus, lord of the see of Antioch. The Nestorians, your companions-they are, by my life, the closest to the judgments of those who are impartial among our people of theology and reasoning, more inclined to what we Muslims say.8
8. [Hasimi, 'Abd Allah ibn Ismail al-] (1885) Risalat 'Abd Allah ibn IsmaV al-Hasimi ila Abd al-Masih ibn Ishaq al-Kindl yadu-hu bi-ha ila-l-Islam, wa-risalat Abd al-Masih ila-l-Hasimi yaruddu bi-ha 'alay-hi wa-yadu-hu ila-n-nasraniyya, ss. 5 - 6 (араб. text). London: [B. I.]; Tartar, G. (1985) Dialogue islamo-chretien sous le Calife Al-Ma'mun (813 - 834): Les epitres d'Al-Hashimi et dAl-Kindi, p. 85 (фр. пер.). (Etudes Coraniques). Paris: Nouvelles Editions Latines. Note that the construction of a certain-

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A similar distinction is made by Muhammad ibn Harun Abu ' Isa al-Warraq (d. 861) in his polemical work "Refutation of the three divisions of Christians" (Kitab ar-radd ' ala-s-salas firaqmin an-nasara):

We don't mention it... statements of other types of Christians, such as Maronites and Julianites, Sabellians and Arians, Paulians, followers of Paul of Samosata, or other branches, because we have written this book specifically about the bulk of these three branches, and not others (Jumhur Hadihi-l-Firak as-Salas, la Ghayr)9.

The famous Muslim jurist and thinker Muhammad ash-Shahrastani (1076-1153), in his doxographic work "On Religions and Sects" (Kitab al-milal wa-n-nihal), follows the same methodology: "Then the Christians dispersed into seventy - two divisions," he writes, " and there were three large divisions - Melkites, Nestorians and Jacobites " 11. The approach to the study of Christian confessions developed in the East of the Caliphate has also found acceptance in the Muslim West. The famous Muslim polemicist from Cordoba Ibn Hazm (994_1064)12 compiled a detailed work " Analysis of religions, heresies and sects "(Kitab al-fisal fi-l-milal wa-l-ahwa wa-n-nihal)13, in which he devoted a considerable number of pages to critical consideration of the holy books

The authors of traditional Arab-Muslim religious studies are characterized by a certain degree of gradation of the presented doctrines, mainly by the degree of their proximity and remoteness in relation to Islam. See Seleznev N. N. Pax Christiana et Pax Islamica, pp. 186-187.

9. Thomas, D. (1992) Anti-Christian Polemic in Early Islam: Abu 'Tsa al-Warraq's "Against the Trinity", p. 70 (араб, текст), 71 (англ. пер.). Cambridge [etc.]: Cambridge University Press.

10. The idea of a seventy-two-fold division of Christianity seems to have been borrowed from the Hadiths. See Juynboll, G. H. A. (2007) Encyclopedia of Canonical Hadith, pp. 437, 458. Leiden/Boston: Brill.

11. Cureton, W. (1842) Kitab al-milal wa-n-nihal. Book of Religious and Philosophical Sections, by Muhammad al-Shahrastdni, pt. 1, s 173. London: Society for Publication of Oriental texts. See Prozorov S. M. Muhammad ibn ' Abd al-Karim al-Shahrastani. A book about religions and sects (Kitab al-milal wa-n-nihal)/Translated from Arabic. 4. 1: Islam. (Pamyatniki pismennosti Vostoka, 75). Moscow: Nauka, Chief Editor. Eastern lit., 1984, pp. 18-24.

12. To the Russian reader, he is probably better known as the author of the treatise on love "The Necklace of the Dove": Ibn Hazm. Golubki's Necklace / Translated from Arabic by M. A. Salye, edited by I. Y. Krachkovsky, Moscow: Publishing House of Oriental Literature, 1957.

13. Ibn Hazm, Abu Muhammad 'Ali (1321/1903) Kitab al-fisalfi-l-milal wa-l-ahwa wa-n-nihal. [al-Qahira]: al-Matba'a al-'Adabiyya.

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and beliefs of Jews and Christians 14. He gives some information about early unorthodox communities (Arians, Paulians, Macedonians, and "Barbaranites"), but then remarks: "They [i.e., Christians] today are based on three divisions", further offering an overview of the views of the "Melkites", "Nestorians" and "Jacobites" 15.

Recognizing the confessional division of the Christian world, Muslim authors nevertheless drew attention to the essential doctrinal unity of Christians. The aforementioned Abu ' Isa al-Warraq emphasizes that attempts by representatives of various Christian denominations to present their own confession in a favorable light in the eyes of a Muslim observer are futile, since Christians hold the same views on issues that form the image of Christianity as a religion that distinguishes it from Islam. Al-Shahrastani prefaces the survey of Christian denominations with a description of Christianity as such, thereby making it clear that in the text that follows, he presents minor discrepancies in importance. For the subsequent traditional Muslim religious studies, the scheme of representation of Christianity and its interpretations used by Al-Shahrastani will become quite typical. This can be demonstrated by pointing to the corresponding section of the encyclopedia, which was compiled by a later author - Abu-l-Abbas Ahmad al-Kalkashandi (1355/6-1418), an employee of the diwan of Mamluk sultans. This multi-volume work, a collection of knowledge necessary for a major government official in various fields, especially in the field of documentation and diplomacy, was called "The Dawn of the blind [i.e., a moment of insight] in the craft of writing [official documents]" (Subh al-a'sha fi sina'at al-inshi)16. Al-Kalkashandi collected information about various religious communities, including the Christian one, mainly for the purpose of compiling an effective text of the oath for their representatives who assumed obligations to the Mamluk ruler. The structure of the section devoted to Christianity reproduces the structure of the corresponding section.-

14. См. Pulcini, Th. (1994) Exegesis as Polemical Discourse: Ibn Hazm on Jewish and Christian Scriptures. 2 vols. Ph. D. Dissertation. University of Pittsburgh (изд.: Atlanta, 1998; Oxford, 2000).

15. Ibn Hazm, Kitab al-fisalfi-l-milal wa-l-ahwa' wa-n-nihal, g. 1, ss. 48 - 49.

16. Qalqasandi, Abi-l-'Abbas Ahmad al- (1331 - 1338/1913 - 1919). Subh al-a'safi sina'at al-insa. (14 tenge). Al-Qahira: al-Matba'a al - ' Amiriyya.

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la in the work of Ash-Shahrastani. A selection of information about the three main faiths is preceded by an introduction that describes Christianity as a whole. In it, Al-Kalkashandi writes:

Christians are a community 'Isa-peace be upon him! - and their book is the Gospel (al-Injil) ... Know that Christians generally agree that Mariam was pregnant with Christ-peace be upon him! and she gave birth to him in Bethlehem in the land of Jerusalem in Syria (ash-Sham), and he said in the cradle, and that when the Jews condemned Miriam for this, peace be upon her! "she ran away with Christ-peace be upon him!" - to Egypt, and then returned with him to Syria (ash-Sham )when he was twelve years old, and settled in the above-mentioned village called Nazareth, and that when he was at the end of his work, the Jews seized him and reported him to the governor of Caesar, king of the Romans, over Syria And he slew him and crucified him, and he remained on the tree for three hours, and then a man of Miriam's kindred, whose name was Joseph the Carpenter, begged him of the governor of Caesar, 17 and buried him in the tomb that he had prepared for himself, in the place where he was buried. where is the church now known as al-Kumam18 in Jerusalem, and that he was in his tomb on the Sabbath night, and on the Sabbath day, and on the Sunday night,

17. Joseph the Carpenter is here erroneously identified with Joseph of Arimathea (Mt 27: 57-58; Mk 15: 43; Lk 23: 50-52; Jn 19: 38).

18. Al-Kumama means " trash." Al-Kalkashandi gives this name the following explanation:" [Helen, the mother of Constantine, came to Jerusalem and asked about the crucifixion tree, and they told her that the Jews had buried it and piled garbage and sewage on top of it. She was horrified by this, and took him out, washed him, anointed him, covered him with gold, and clothed him with silk, and took him with her to Constantinople for blessing, and built a church on the site, which is now called "On the Garbage," from the name of the garbage that was piled there " (Al-Qalqasandi, Subh al- a'sa fi sinaat al-insa, g. 13, s. 283). Many researchers believe that initially this phrase was not accepted by the Muslim tradition of kanisat al-Qiyam "Church of the Resurrection" (Le Strange, G. (1890) Palestine under the Moslems, p. 202. [London]: Watt). At the same time, it should be pointed out that such a medieval Muslim author as al-Idrisi (1099-1165/6) cites the Christian name of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre along with the established Muslim one. (Bombaci, A. [et al.] (eds) (1970 - 1984) Opus geographicum sive "Liber ad eorum delectationem qui terras peragrare studeant", mugallad 1, s. 358. Naples: Istituto Universitario Orientale; repr.: al-Qahira, 1422/2002). A. A. Voitenko notes that the legend of the filling of the Holy Sepulchre with "garbage" is attested in pre-Islamic sources: A. A. Voitenko, Coptic legend of Eudoxia as an "alternative history" of the reign of Constantine the Great / / Miscellanea Orientalia Christiana. RSUH, 2014. P. 240. The retelling of the legend of "garbage" (turab) in the context of the story of finding the Cross is also known in Arabic-Christian writing. Examples include the Histories of Ps. - Eutychius of Alexandria and al-Makin ibn al - ' Amid: Pococke, Ed. (1656) Eutychii Patriarchs? Alexandrini Annales, p. 453. Oxoniæ Hall;

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and then he rose up on the morning of Sunday, and then the apostle Peter saw him, and he gave him a commission, and that his mother had gathered together the apostles for him, and he had sent them to different countries to preach his religion, and they were based on the twelve apostles... And it is said that after he had sent those of the apostles whom he had sent, he ascended into heaven. And they agree that four of the apostles set out to write the Gospel... Then, when the apostles died, the Christians gave them successors, who were called "patriarchs"...After this, they agreed on the names that they set for the offices of their religions, and called the leader of the sect patriarch, and the deputy patriarch bishop... Know that Christians agree that God the Most High is one in essence and three in hypostasis, and they interpret the essence (al-jawhar). as the self (az-zat), and hypostasis as qualities, [i.e.] as being, knowledge, and life; and represent the self with being as the Father, the self with knowledge as the Son, and the self with life as the Holy Spirit. And they express God as " deity "(al-lahut), and man as "humanity" (an-nasut), and call the knowledge of "The Word which He sent down upon Mariam"19, - peace be upon her! "and by whom she became pregnant with Christ-peace be upon him!" - and they distinguish it by its unity [with humanity] in contrast to other hypostases... And they laid down with it the canons of their laws, which they called the creed (al-Haymanut). Then an assembly of them was assembled in Constantinople, concerning the claims of Macedon, who was known to be the enemy of the Holy Spirit, and his proclamation that the Holy Spirit was created. And they added to the above-mentioned Symbol of Faith the text: "And we believe in the Holy Spirit, the giver of life, who proceeds from the Father" and cursed the one who then adds [anything] to the words of the Symbol of Faith or takes away from them. And later Christians were divided into many divisions, of which three divisions are famous.20
Did the ideas about Christianity and its confessions formed by Muslim doxographers and recorded in their writings influence Christian thinkers? And if they did, how much? To answer these questions, it is necessary, first of all, to pay attention to artificial intelligence-

al-Majmu' al-mubarak. BnF ar. 294. fol. 213v - 214r; Vat. ar. 168, fol. 168v/p. 337 - 169r/p. 338; Vat. ar. 169, fol. 153; BSB Cod. ar. 376, p. 229 - 230.

19. Quran 4: 171/169.

20. Selezneva N. Pax Christiana et Pax Islamica, pp. 200-216.

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a unique environment in which Muslims and Christians co-existed in the era of the rise of culture after the establishment of the Caliphate.

It is known that the translation activity aimed at assimilating the heritage of the classics of ancient thought and natural science by the Arabic culture was based on the already existing tradition of translations into the Syriac language. Arabic translations began to be made under the Umayyads in Damascus, but this activity and the resulting intellectual culture flourished under the Abbasids. This era brought together in creative unions not only Muslims and representatives of other religions, but, what is more significant for our topic, representatives of various Christian confessions. One of (many!) examples include Mar Mari (Dair Kunni)who migrated from the monastery21 To Baghdad, Abu Bishr Matta ibn Yunus (d. 940), who, being himself a "Nestorian", had disciples, among whom were the Muslim Al-Farabi and the" Yakovite " Yahiyah ibn Adi. 22
The circle of Baghdad intellectuals that Yahya ibn 'Adi (893-974) had a decisive influence on forming included "Melkit" Ibn Youmn, whose "Message of Unity" is of particular interest to our topic. From the reports of his contemporaries and the testimonies of other medieval authors, it follows that he was a doctor, a priest of the Melkite ("Romeyskaya")church23) and a thinker whose work attracted the attention of a wide variety of authors. It is worth noting that the famous Abu-r-Rayhan al-Biruni (973-1048 / 51), judging by the mention in his "Mas'udi Canon", was personally acquainted with Ibn Yumn24, Ibn an-Nadim (X century) and Ibn al-Kifti (d. 1248)25 speak about Ibn al-Mughal.

21. См. Fiey, J. M. (1968) Assyrie chretienne, vol. 3, pp. 187 - 197. Beyrouth: Dar el-Machreq.

22. Endress, G. (1991) "Matta b. Yunus", in The Encyclopaedia of Islam, New edition, vol. VI, p. 845. Leiden: Brill; Rainov T. I. The Great scientists of Uzbekistan (IX-XI centuries). Tashkent: UzFAN Publ., 1943, pp. 13-14.

23. Krymsky A. E. Semitic languages and peoples of Theodor Neldeke edited by A. Krymsky. (Trudy po vostokovedeniyu, Vol. V). Moscow: V. Gatzuk, 1903-p. 152; Krymskiy A. E. Istoriya novaya arabyskoi literatury: XIX - nachalo XX veka [History of New Arabic Literature: XIX-early XX century]. East Lit., 1971-p. 351, ed. 57; Nasrallah, J. (s. a.) Histoire du mouvement litteraire dans l'Eglise melchite du Ve au XXe siecle: Contribution a l'etude de la litterature arabe chretienne. Louvain - Paris: Peeters.

24. Samir, S. Kh. (1990) "Un traite du cheikh Abu' All Nazif ibn Yumn sur l'accord des Chretiens entre eux malgre leur desaccord dans l'expression", Melanges de l'Universite Saint-Joseph 51: 332. See also other references to Ibn Yumn by Muslim authors (p . 330).

25. Lippert, J. (1903) Ibn al-Qiffi's Tarih al-hukama, S. 64 (Arabic). Leipzig: Dieterich. "Nazif an-nafs", as it is also called by Ibn al-Kifti, is probably a gra-

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Yumneh as a physician (al-mutatabbib)26, Ibn Abi Usaybi'a (1203-1270) and Bar 'Evroyo (Ibn al-'Ibri) (1226-1286) refer to him as "Nazif the priest of Romay" (Nazif al-qass ar-Rumi)27. Mentioning him as " a worthy priest...the doctor of Baghdad, Melkit," we find in Al-Mu'taman ibn al-Assal. In the "Catalogue" of another Coptic author, Abu'l-Barakat ibn Kabar (d. 1324), he is listed as "the priest Abu' Ali ibn Yumn, the physician "(al-qass Abu ' Ali ibn Yumnal-mutatabbib)28.

Ibn Yumnn probably began his medical practice in Shiraz, one of the most famous cultural centers of Iran, as evidenced by the report of the mathematician Ahmad ibn Muhammad ibn Abd al-Jalil al-Sijzi (951-1024) 29. It is possible that Ibn Yumnn met with the Bu'id Emir Adud al-Dawla, who later supported the organization of scholarly interviews (majilis) in Baghdad (since 979). In addition to medical science, Ibn Yumnah was also interested in mathematics and astronomy, as evidenced by the testimonies of Al-Biruni and Al-Siji. He is known for his translation of the"additions to the sentences of the Tenth Book (Euclid's Principles) available in Greek"30. Ibn an-Nadim related the history of this translation from the words of Ibn Yumnah himself. Ibn Yumna's study of philosophy is attested by,

This is a dramatic distortion of " Nazif al-qass "("Nazif the priest"), due to the shift of the right point above the qaf further to the right, as a result of which it was perceived as an element of nun'a. Nasrallah, J. (1974) "Nazif Ibn Yumn: medecin, traducteur et theologien melkite du Xe siecle", Arabica 21: 304.

26. Flugel, G. (1871-1872) Kitab al-Fihrist, B. 1. S. 266 (Arabic). Leipzig: F.C.W. Vogel.

27. Nasrallah, J. "Nazif Ibn Yumn: medecin, traducteur et theologien melkite du Xe siecle", P. 303.

28. Riedel, W. (1902) "Der Katalog der christlichen Schriften in arabischer Sprache von Abu 'IBarakat", Nachrichten von der Koniglichen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Gottingen. Philosophisch-historische Klasse 5: 653. The addition of " Abu ' Ali "led L. Shaykho to suggest that in reality we are talking about two different authors, one of whom lived in the tenth century and the other in the twelfth. Nasrallah, J. "Nazif Ibn Yumn: medecin, traducteur et theologien melkite du Xe siecle", p. 303 - 304. An English translation of the Abu'l-Barakat catalog was made in 2009 by Adam McCollum and published on the website <url>. tertullian.org

29. Brockelmann, C. (1898) Geschichte der arabischen Litteratur, B. 1 Suppl., S. 387. Weimar: E. Felber. N 6e. См. также Samir, S. Kh. "Un traite du cheikh Abu All Nazif ibn Yumn sur l'accord des Chretiens entre eux malgre leur desaccord dans l'expression", p. 331, fn. 2.

30. Matvievskaya G. P., Rozenfeld B. A. Matematiki i astronomy moslemskogo srednevekovie i ikh trudy (VIII-XVII vv.) [Mathematics and astronomers of the Muslim Middle Ages and their works (VIII-XVII centuries)]. Moscow: Nauka, 1983, vol. 2, pp. 173-174.

31. A French translation of this passage is given in Nasrallah, J. "Nazif Ibn Yumn: medecin, traducteur et theologien melkite du Xe siecle", p. 307.

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in particular, his translation of Book A of Aristotle's Metaphysics 32. Ibn Yumnah's theological interests were reflected in the creation of two treatises: "The Message of Unity and Trinity "(Risala fi-t-tawhid va-t-taslis)33 and "The Epistle (in which he explained) about [Christological] unity, according to the way it is professed by the three branches of Christians (and agreed between them) "(Risala (sharaha) fi - (ha) - l-ittihad ' ala ma ta'takidu-hi firak an-nasara as-salas (wa-waffak baina-hum fi-hi)34.

In the last mentioned work of Ibn Yumnah, we find a discussion about the characteristics of the three main Christian denominations, with Ibn Yumnah stating:

The difference between these three communities about Christ is that the Jacobites say that Christ is one hypostasis and one nature, and the Romans say that Christ is one hypostasis and two natures, and the Nestorians say that Christ is two hypostases and two natures. And the hypostasis of the Romans and Syrians [-Jacobites] corresponds to the person. The definition of a person is something that consists of qualities that are not found in the aggregate in [a given] period of time in [someone] other than him... But the scientists of these three communities do not differ in meaning, although they do differ in expression, [being] driven by the desire for superiority and the love of power. I do not presume at all to prefer one of these statements to the other, because that would be a departure from my purpose, which is precisely to explain what these three communities profess about Christ.35
Thus, in the circles of intellectuals united by the flourishing Arab culture, an "ecumenical" culture is emerging.

32. Nasrallah, J. "Nazif Ibn Yumn: medecin, traducteur et theologien melkite du Xe siecle", p. 308.

33. The manuscripts containing the text of this treatise have been lost.

34. P. Sbat in his" Index " gives the title of this work in the following form:: "An Epistle on the Christian Faith on the Essence of [Christological] unity "(Risala fi - ' tikad an-nasara fi mahiyat al-ittihad). Sbath, P. (1938) Al-Fihris. Pt. 1: Ouvrages des Auteurs anterieurs au XVII siecle, p. 66. N [175]. Le Caire: Al-Chark. G. The graph instead of" Risala "("Epistle") gives "Maqala" ("Composition"), probably based on the catalog of Abu'l-Barakat. Graf, G. (1947) Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Literatur, Bd. 2, S. 49. (Studi e testi, 133). Citta del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1947; Riedel, W. (1902) "Der Katalog der christlichen Schriften in arabischer Sprache von Abu 'lBarakat", 653.

35. Seleznev N. N. Pax Christiana et Pax Islamica, pp. 39-42.

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the idea" - that the three main Christian confessions are essentially one, and they are divided not by doctrinal statements or reasonable reasoning, but by a passion for "superiority and the love of power". How was this idea formed in a literary way? This can be seen in another ecumenical treatise of the same era, the work of Ali ibn Dawud al-Arfadi " The Book of Community of Faith "(Kitab ijtima al-Aman). It is appropriate to note that the fate of this work was also quite "ecumenical". The author of the treatise was the author of the Western Syriac tradition, the so-called Yakovit, but this work has also come down to us as "rewritten" by Elijah al-Jaukhari, the "Nestorian metropolitan", and preserved in a manuscript written in "Chaldean" script (that is, the Eastern Syriac Karshuni or, more precisely, Garshuni, as the Arabic text of the Syriac script is called 36). An abridged version of this text can be found in the consolidated work of the Coptic theologian Al-Mu Taman ibn al-Assal (see below), and its contents were described in his "Bibliotheca Orientalis" by the Maronite scholar I. S. Assemani (1687-1768). In the 19th century, this treatise (in an Assemblage paraphrase) attracted the attention of historians of the Russian Old Believers as evidence of the antiquity of the two-fingered37. So Al-Arfadi writes:

When I looked at the splendor of the Christian faith [from the point of view of] the truth of faith in God , He is great and glorious! - properly performing services to the Creator of heaven and earth, and all that is in it, according to the law of guidance commanded by the Merciful Creator; preaching in the east and west of the earth, among the peoples and nationalities scattered in far-off countries and in all lands, [and] every nation among them is proud of what it has of the Christian religion, which is common to all on earth, and of its own religion; then I saw that some of these peoples, because of the machinations of the devil, had fallen into such a state, as a result of which [there was] a new world. the departure of some of them from others, along the path of a whim contrary to reason, and they diverged into many divisions,

36. Morozov D. A. Karshuni: Syriac writing in Arab-Christian texts// Fifth readings in memory of Professor Nikolai Fyodorovich Kapterev. Russia and the Orthodox East: new research based on materials from archives and museum collections. (Moscow, ZO-Z 1 oktyabrya 2007 g.). Materials. Moscow, 2007. pp. 70-72; Morozov D. A. Karshuni / / Orthodox Encyclopedia, Vol. XXXI. Moscow: Central Scientific Center "Orthodox Encyclopedia", 2013. pp. 463-465.

37. Seleznev N. N. Pax Christiana et Pax Islamica. pp. 43-55, 101-106.

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what you can talk about for a long time. But though they are, for all their multiplicity, united in opinions, differing in whims, yet they are reduced to three communities and go back to three senses, as if to [three] roots, namely, the Nestorian community, the Melkite community, and the Jacobite community, and everything that is besides these three communities - communities [that] the Maronites, the Isaacites, and the Avlians, and others besides them from the branches of the Christian religion, are descended from them and are reduced to them... But when I examined it with a truly [thorough] examination, and studied it as it should have been studied, I did not find any difference between them that would create contradictions from the point of view of religion and faith, and I did not see in them [such a thing as someone's] faith refuted [the faith of] another and so that the conviction may negate the conviction of another, but they are all reduced in their faith and the basis of their preaching to the pure Gospel, which God sent down and the leaders of the path of righteousness - the righteous apostles, that is, the disciples of our Lord Jesus Christ-handed down to them. And I have not found anyone who contradicts another in the testimony of the true Gospel, [no one] adds [anything] and does not subtract, but they all read the Holy Gospel, the epistles of Paul, the apostle of our Lord and Savior... they all agree in the recognition of this and affirm the correctness of this... Then I found them united in their faith in the Father, and in the Son, and in the Holy Spirit, God One, [for they all believe in] three hypostases equal to each other, one being, and our Lord Christ, Who is the Word of God-great and glorious is He! - made human by Mary the Immaculate Virgin... [that He] suffered crucifixion, going to suffer and die of His own free will, for the sake of saving Adam and his descendants... [what happened] the uprising [He was released from the tomb three days later... and his ascension afterward into heaven, where is his glory and his power; and the descent of the Holy Spirit upon his pure disciples... Then I saw them agree in observing the Sundays and feasts of Christ... and recognizing the confession of faith commanded by the three hundred and eighteen fathers gathered in the city of Nicaea, which is read in public at every liturgy. They also agree on the correctness of the priesthood with its degrees: patriarchs, bishops, presbyters, deacons, and the water of baptism. And there is no difference between them in religion or in faith, but in a whim, from which God forbid us.38
38. Seleznev N. N. Pax Christiana et Pax Islamica, pp. 87-91.

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The above quote is a somewhat abridged introduction to the Book of Community of Faith. Following him, the author analyzes the features of the three main Christian denominations - "Nestorians", "Melkites"and " Yakovites". We see that divisions are explained by the action of a whim or passion that is contrary to reason (al-hawa), and the presentation of the general Christian doctrinal foundations largely corresponds to how the Christian teaching as a whole was described by Muslim authors. The same structure of the work is used: first, the general Christian beliefs are presented, and it is emphasized that in this part the reader is offered an overview of what Christians are united in, and then sections follow with a description of the characteristics of each of the divergent communities, accompanied by instructions on how their differences can be overcome. Emphasizing the equivalence of the paths followed by the communities in question, Al-Arfadi offers the following parable:

Some people went to the church and agreed on the correctness of [defining] it and recognizing its existence, but they diverged in ways and directions, and each of them followed the path [which seemed to him the path leading directly] to the church. When their goal was achieved, they all gathered together in the church, without [divergence and] disagreement about the correctness [definition] of it and its existence, while differing in the ways to it. So, too, is the divergence of adherents of the Christian religion - in terms of sayings and utterances, but not in terms of meaning and faith. Since faith is one, where does contradiction and divergence come from?39

It is noteworthy that both the Epistle of Ibn Yumnah and the abridged work of Al-Arfadi were included in the lengthy work of the Coptic author of the XIII century Al-Mu'taman Ibn al-Assal, who has already been repeatedly mentioned above - "The code of the foundations of religion and the clear essence of reliable knowledge"- Majmu ' usul ad-din wa-masmu Mahsul al-Yaqin, entitled in rhyme, as was customary in Arabic belles lettres 40. Re-

39. Seleznev N. N. Pax Christiana et Pax Islamica, pp. 96-97.

40. Wadi, A. [=Abullif, W.], Krone, B. (1998) al-Mutaman Abu Ishaq Ibrahim Ibn al-Assal, Magmu usul al-din wa-masmu mahsul al-yaqin. Summa dei principi della Religione, Гл. 8. (Studia Orientalia Christiana; Monographiae, 6a - 9). Cairo/Jerusalem: Franciscan Centre of Christian Oriental Studies. Russian translation of the name accepted

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The cultural upsurge experienced by Egypt's Coptic Christian Arabic-speaking community at that time was not least due to the influx of immigrants from the Syro-Palestinian region who fled to Egypt from the forces of Khorezm Shah and the Mongols. The rule of the Ayyubid dynasty (1171-1250), which came to power in Egypt from Syria, created tangible political prerequisites for this. Immigrants brought books with them, thereby facilitating the interpenetration of ideas, and Arabic, which became widely used in the Middle East, provided mutual understanding between representatives of separate ethno-confessional communities.

The author of the" Code of the Foundations of Religion " is preoccupied with philosophical and theological issues, historical realities were left almost without consideration. In the first chapter, Al-Mu'taman ibn al-Assal makes it clear to his readers that his work reflects on the legacy of the thinkers who preceded him, whose works he extensively quotes, retells and interprets in the course of constructing his philosophical "code" of Christian teaching. He turns to the works of representatives of different faiths, wanting everyone to find reasonable arguments, based on which it is possible to overcome doctrinal differences. The arguments of his predecessors thus turn out to be his own arguments in favor of the harmony and consistency of Christianity. It is worth noting that paragraphs 24 to 26 of the first chapter, which gives a brief overview of the authors and materials that served Ibn al-Assal as the basis for the creation of the "Code", form the section "Nestorians", in which, among others, we find the names of such prominent figures of the Eastern Syrian Church as Metropolitan Elijah of Nisibi, Ibn at -Tayyib 42 and "the most venerable, the only, the most knowledgeable, the most worthy, the sage, the philosopher and the physician Hunayn ibn Ishaq" 43. Such epithets addressed to the "Nestorian" author by a Copt, a representative of a tradition located at the opposite end of the confessional spectrum, which would seem completely unexpected, turn out to be quite appropriate.-

Voitenko i Kobishchanova: Voitenko A. A., Kobishchanov T. Yu. Assalidy / / Pravoslavnaya entsiklopediya, Vol. III. Moscow: TSNTS "Pravoslavnaya entsiklopediya", 2001, p. 618.

41. Meinardus, O. F.A. (1999) Two Thousand Years of Coptic Christianity, pp. 57 - 59. Cairo/New York: The American University in Cairo Press.

42. Seleznev N. N. Pax Christiana et Pax Islamica, pp. 107-119.

43. Wadi, Krone, Magma usul al-din wa-masmu mahsul al-yaqin, vol. I/SOCh 6a, s. 45; vol. I / SOCh 8, pp. 62 - 62.

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ghanim in the context of interfaith interaction in the Arab Middle Ages 44.

The way in which Al-Mu'taman ibn al-Assal presented the treatise of Ibn at-Tayyib to his readers deserves special mention. After recounting the work of this "Nestorian" author, whose aim was to prove by "many arguments" the reliability of his confession, as opposed to the other two, Ibn al - ' Assal sums it up as follows::

These are the arguments of the three branches [of Christianity] as to what they claim according to their interpretations, but they all agree that Christ is God and man, and the essence of God and the essence of man, and the hypostasis of God and the hypostasis of man, and the difference between them in describing this union of God and man.45
Thus, we can talk about the transformation of polemical thought into ecumenical thought in the context of this inter-confessional rapprochement.

The mention of the famous Hunayn ibn Ishaq touches on another important topic in the history of ecumenical thought. As part of Ibn al-Assal's "Code", among other things, Hunayn's treatise "How to understand the truth of religion" (Qay-fiyat idrak haqiqat ad-diyanah)46 is preserved, which is known in two editions: (1) "addressed" and more complete, which refers to the addressee-Ali ibn Yahya ibn al- Munadjim 47-and contains a lengthy introduction, and (2) an abridged and "impersonal" version (which was included in the "Code of Fundamentals of Religion" by al-Mu'taman ibn al-Assal). However, the abridged version contains an introduction (sections 3-4), which is not included in the version "addressed" to Ibn al-Munadjim. It may have been written by Ibn al-Assal. The lengthy wording of this treatise clearly shows that

44. For ecumenical trends attested to in this era in Syriac literature, see: Takahashi, H. (2005) Bar Hebraeus: A Bio-Bibliography. Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, pp. 47-53 (ch. "Barhebraeus as ecumenist") and Pritula A.D. Khamis Bar Kardakhe, East Syriac poet of the late 13th century / / Symbol. 2012. N61. pp. 311-317., as well as his article " From cells to Khan's tents: Syrian poetry of the Mongol time"in this issue.

45. Seleznev N. N. Pax Christiana et Pax Islamica. p. 119.

46. Ibid., pp. 121-128.

47. See Haddad, R. (1974) "Hunayn ibn Ishaq apologiste chretien", Arabica 21: 298 [7].

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this is an apology for Christianity with a polemic against Islam. In the abridged version, the controversy is smoothed out. The latter shows that the confrontation with a common opponent - Islam-had a unifying effect, but it should not be overestimated. Ibn al - ' Assal's work, which smooths out the sharpness of Hunayn's polemical writing, does not become less ecumenical, but rather the opposite.

The above review allows us to draw some conclusions.

The history of the emergence and development of the "ecumenical idea" should be corrected. The early, "eastern" stage of this story is an important chapter that should be given its proper prominence. To present the history of ecumenism as having found its clear expression only in Modern or Contemporary times means impoverishing the history of Christianity and putting obstacles in the way of understanding such important phenomena as confessional division and reactions to it.

It was common for Islamic thinkers to see Christianity as a single whole, despite the fact that they were fully aware of its division into different interpretations. The formation of Muslim culture in the context of the Arab domination of various countries was characterized by the desire to rethink the experience of conquered cultures in the context of the proclaimed superiority of Islamic revelation. Representatives of various Christian confessions were actively involved in this process, who were not left out of the influence on their views of the unifying influence of the new culture and the perception of Christianity that was attested in the Muslim doxography.

The appearance of ecumenical treatises marked the formation of the ecumenical paradigm of ecclesiological thought. It is distinguished by the recognition of the essential unity of the Christian world and the equivalence of the paths followed by the main Christian denominations. Thus, the ecumenical thought that was formed in the writings of medieval Eastern Christian authors is typologically different from the "imperial" ecumenism, which assumed the unification in the format of a certain one," main " denomination, and, on the contrary, coincides with the vision of the nature of the confessional division that became the main one in the ecumenical movement of the Western type.

48. See the contrast of these two types of unifying paradigm: Gordienko N. S. Modern Ecumenism. pp. 10-11.

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In eastern ecumenism, we also find a "branch theory"that fully reflects one of the basic concepts of Arabic thought - usul wa-furu ("roots and branches"), 49 but the comparison of the nuances of this concept in its eastern and Western versions is obviously a subject of separate research.

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