The 60th anniversary of the Fifth Pan-African Congress, the very first major meeting of representatives of colonial and dependent peoples immediately after the end of World War II, was not in the center of attention in the series of anniversaries of many events of the victorious year of 1945, which were celebrated throughout 2005.

The Fifth Pan-African Congress was held at a turning point in the history of peoples of African descent. The wartime period gave rise to new expectations among the colonial peoples, most of whom recognized themselves as citizens of the states participating in the anti-Hitler coalition. The plans for the post-war reconstruction of the world outlined in the Atlantic Charter (1941) and at major international conferences during the war, the creation of the United Nations, the marked lines of division between the eastern and Western blocs - all this intensified the process of developing self-consciousness and self-affirmation of peoples of African descent.

Russian African studies recognizes the organizers of the Pan-African Congress, convened in Manchester in mid-October 1945, for their great merits in mobilizing the population of dependent territories for anti-colonial struggle [Ideologiya..., 1981, p. 167]. However, the Congress itself is generally seen as an isolated phenomenon, made possible by the revolutionizing impact of the Second World War on the social consciousness of colonial peoples.

In fact, the Fifth Pan-African Congress, according to today's textbooks on the modern history of the peoples of Asia and Africa, after a break in the active life of an entire generation, dramatically "updated" and modernized the principles of pan - Africanism that developed in the first quarter of the XX century [Troshin, 2004, pp. 484-485]. In many respects, this approach can be explained by the authority of the "patriarch of the Pan-African movement" W. Dubois, who, as it seems, sometimes deliberately ignored the role of his African colleagues in the history of the interwar and post-war development of pan-Africanism. According to this popular African - American historian and public figure in the 1950s and 1960s, the young African reformers who appeared at the Manchester Congress only applied the experience accumulated before them in their countries, and finally transferred the principles visionary proposed by African-Americans in the 1920s to Africa itself (Dubois, 1962, p. 4). 356-357, 409].

In the late 1950s, Dubois met with Khrushchev in Moscow (an indirect consequence of which, as is well known, was the activation of the creation of the Institute of Africa in the USSR Academy of Sciences), and some of his works were translated into Russian. In 1961, Dubois was announced as a member of the Communist Party of the United States, and he was awarded prestigious international prizes. As a result, Russian researchers for many years evaluated everything that happened in the history of the Pan-African movement and around it mainly through the prism of the judgments of this African-American historian [Vysotskaya, 1969].

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Difficulties with access to foreign archival materials and research, as well as political and ideological restrictions, also did not contribute to the emergence of objective assessments of such a multi-layered phenomenon as pan-Africanism in our country (Potekhin, 1964). Meanwhile, major international studies on the history of the African continent, such as The Cambridge History of Africa [The Cambridge History, 1984], pay considerable attention to the independent nature of the Manchester meeting, the first appearance of the community that today is usually called the "African diaspora" [The Cambridge History..., p. 101 - 104]. In the most detailed and unbiased study of the Pan - African congress movement-the monograph of the famous German historian I. Geiss "Panafricanism" (English edition -1974) [Geiss, 1974] - the Manchester Congress appears to be a less isolated phenomenon. Unlike Soviet authors, Geis relied on primary sources and avoided the temptation to believe that the famous call of the congress participants " Colonial and dependent peoples of the world, unite!" has it received any practical continuation in the activities of the independent States of Africa? In his opinion, Panafricanism after 1945 did not transform itself into a movement capable of modernizing Africa, but broke up into many ideological trends that are only nominally related to the main ideas of Panafricanism in the first half of the twentieth century. Until now, there is no research that would analyze how many and which "Panafricanisms" appeared after the emergence of the African state. independent states on the site of African colonies. A separate important question is how did the fundamental differences in views on the further development of peoples of African descent manifest themselves among African and African-American leaders after the Sixth Pan - African Congress, held for the first time on the African continent-in Dar es Salaam in June 1974?

Currently, the study of the Pan-African movement in the second half of the XX century is becoming particularly relevant. It is to him and similar "pan-" movements that those who are trying to resist globalization from the standpoint of protecting their racial (ethnic, cultural, historical, religious, linguistic or any other-to choose from) identity turn today. Insufficient knowledge of many aspects of post-war pan-Africanism, ambivalent interpretations of events, ideas, and behavior of participants in this movement created excellent opportunities for market assessments. As a result, in contrast to the works of the 1960s and 1980s, Dubois's "patriarch" is now being stripped of its links to the pan - African movement (see the biographical article about him on the St. Petersburg website "History of the USA"). [htpp://amstd.spb.ra/Gilded_Age/debois_im.htm]1.

No less significant are the misrepresentations in the names, geographical and historical affiliation of people, organizations and events in the latest translated collection "Muslims in the American Public Space: Hopes, Fears and Aspirations". Here, African Americans are credited with creating an airline "to transport Negroes to Africa" (!), which the authors, with the consent of the editors, attribute to the 1920s [Moslems..., 2005, p. 320].

The search for and justification of the so - called African identity of many modern peoples on both sides of the Atlantic is not only a matter of research interest. In the late 1970s and early 1980s, the novel "Roots" (1976) by the African-American author A. Haley from the history of slavery and the transatlantic slave trade was published, translated into many languages, and commented on benevolently by experts. In the early 1990s, when the novel had already received many awards, it was placed in a kind of pantheon of "almost documentary" works and to top it off

1 See also the section "Pan-Africanism" in the online encyclopedia "Wikipedia", or section "Colonialism. The period of European Africa (1919-1939) " on the website of the Embassy of Senegal in the Russian Federation: htpp: / / www. ambassaden. ru/history.

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in addition to the successful film adaptation, A. Haley disavowed his previous statements (and at the same time - the conclusions of experts) that everything written was based on strict historical evidence and documents.

Today, from more than half a century away, it would probably be useful to assess the Manchester Congress in at least two ways by answering the following questions. First, how can we determine the level of influence of the ideological views of African Americans on this event, how independent were the judgments and actions of immigrants from the colonies in the process of preparing and holding the congress? Secondly, what is the scale of this event and its place in the modern history of independent Africa?

By 1945, the Pan-African Congress movement had almost half a century of history and was strongly associated with the personality of William Dubois. At the turn of the XIX-XX centuries. he, along with many other social and political figures from among African-Americans, immigrants from the West Indies and African colonies, began to formulate ideas of unity of the destinies of all peoples of African descent.

In 1900, W. Dubois ' predecessor, the British West Indian lawyer Henry Sylvester-Williams, held an international meeting in London called the Pan-African Conference, which in some respects anticipated the demands and proposals of the pan-African congresses and resulted in the very term "pan-Africanism". Almost twenty years later, W. Dubois managed to use the favorable balance of power at the end of the First World War to hold the first of the four Pan-African congresses (1919, 1921, 1923, 1927), which became a kind of unofficial component of the Paris Peace Conference. It is no exaggeration to consider the efforts of pan-Africanists at this most important international forum as the first successful experience of political lobbying for the interests of Africans.

In Paris, participants of the First Congress made proposals to review the subordinate status of peoples of African descent. At the same time, as is known, neither W. Dubois himself nor the congress participants developed a specific program of action, remaining organizationally divided. Along with their efforts in the interwar period, alternative ideas of supporters of the "Back to Africa!"movement appeared. led by Jamaican-born Marcus Garvey. By the early 1920s, he had established the World Association for the Advancement of Negroes (WAUPN) in the West Indies and later in the United States. This organization has not achieved concrete results in establishing links with dependent African territories or with the Republic of Liberia to resettle the descendants of African slaves there, to their historical homeland. The work of the WAUPN gave a powerful impetus to the development of feelings of self-esteem and pride of American Negroes in the interwar twenty years. The racial intolerance of the WAUPN and the moderate petitions of traditional leaders who brought numerous delegations to the capitals of empires, the so - called Harlem Renaissance in the United States and the serious fascination with "primitive" cultures in Europe-all this gradually combined into a single complex system of mutual representations and formed a movement of peoples of African descent for equal rights with the white race.

No less competitive with the "pan-Africanists", who had not yet really realized themselves as a single whole, were the left-wing movements that were gaining ideological strength and rapidly gaining popularity and authority in the metropolises and colonies. They most often relied on the support of the Anti-Imperialist League, the Comintern, and gradually created their own program of cooperation between the colonial peoples. Such divergent actions and a serious transformation of the colonial system gradually led to the extinction of the Pan-African Congress movement. At the IV Congress in 1927, only New York socio-political organizations were actually represented

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african Americans. W. Dubois himself focused on teaching and publishing. Until World War II, he worked under the auspices of one of the most authoritative, mass and at the same time moderate organizations of the African - American population in the United States-the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NASPTSN).

The similarity in names, requirements, and even in the composition of participants allows some researchers today to combine disparate and organizationally unrelated pan-Africanist initiatives into a single event series. The Oxford Dictionary of Modern World History article "Panafricanism" combines the aspirations of Colonial immigrants in the early twentieth century to achieve greater equality and the views of African Americans who participated in the first Pan-African congresses. This results in end-to-end event numbering: "The Sixth Pan-African Conference in Manchester in 1945 marked a significant change, as the leadership passed into the hands of a new generation of African nationalist leaders, most notably Nkrumah and Kenyatta" [A Dictionary..., 2003]. The Reuters English reference book, published during the period of rapid decolonization of the African continent in the mid-1960s, also summarizes the 1900 Conference and the subsequent five congresses: "The Sixth Pan-African Congress, held in Manchester in October 1945, was dominated by young, unknown Africans who soon became significant figures in their own countries-Jomo Kenyatta (Kenya), Kwame Nkrumah and Joe Appiah (Ghana), Nnamdi Azikiwe and Chief S. L. Akintola (Nigeria), Wallace Johnson (Sierra Leone).Leone) and many others" [The New Africans..., 1967]. It seems that such an approach - studying the biographies of Africans who laid the foundations for a future independent Africa-can provide more insight into the strengths and weaknesses of pan-Africanism than analyzing the contradictory and often secondary ideological constructions of African public and political figures.

To prove this thesis, we can compare two publications that appeared almost simultaneously. The first is the above-mentioned directory of the British news agency Reuters-a solid volume of half a thousand pages called " New Africans. A guide to the modern history of emerging Africa and biographies of its leaders " [The New Africans..., 1967]. Fifty correspondents and columnists of the agency created a real portrait gallery of African politicians, military personnel, journalists, public figures - more than 600 people in total. Many of them may be forgotten by now, but in the mid-1960s, they were the ones that truly shaped the continent's destiny. According to the publishers, such a guide was urgently needed, because the rapid changes in Africa after 1960 and, more broadly, in the entire colonial world required a new quality of understanding of what was happening. A similar task was assigned to the work on the encyclopedic reference book "Africa", which was one of the first fundamental works of the young academic Institute of Africa [Afrika..., 1963]. The Soviet two-volume encyclopedia carried out a much more serious and complex mission, but it did not contain even a fifth of the names of those who defined the face of the new Africa and prepared the emergence of all new independent states. Forty years later, the first reference book is still in constant demand among students of African studies who study the history of the continent, its traditions, ethnic contradictions, transformation of social relations, and the history of social thought of African peoples. The interpretation of relevant topics in the Soviet encyclopedia is outdated and looks like an anachronism. Today, despite the appearance of the second significantly updated edition of this dictionary, a researcher at the level of an undergraduate student is still not able to

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he finds in it material for understanding the behavior and actions of living people who created the real history of the continent.

At the early stage of the formation of pan-African demands, during the First and Fourth Pan-African Congresses, the central issue in the movement of supporters of the pan-African ideology was each time another forum. On the eve of World War II and during the war years, the situation was completely different. Then the supporters of the ideas of pan-Africanism began to cooperate due to a number of new circumstances, without planning to hold any congresses.

One of these key external events, which determined the common positions of very different social and political figures of the colonial and semi-colonial world, was the aggression of fascist Italy against Ethiopia (at that time - Abyssinia) in 1935-1936. A circle of like-minded people from the British colonies, who sought to support numerous petitions of various organizations of the colonial population, was formed in London. In 1934, as the situation in North-East Africa developed, where Italy tried not only to take revenge for the shamefully lost campaign of 1896, but also to consolidate its claims to the creation of a modern colonial empire, immigrants from the colonies became increasingly aware of the benefits of joint anti-imperialist actions. S. James, a well - known journalist from Trinidad, who has worked for many years in the United States and Great Britain, was elected Chairman of the International African Friends of Abyssinia (IAFA). Dr. P. Millard of British Guiana and the Reverend T. A. Marishaw of Grenada (both Afro - Indians) became Vice-chairs. Jomo Kenyatta, who was engaged in journalism and lecturing during this period and was preparing for admission to the University of London, became Honorary Secretary 2. M. Garvey's first wife, Emmy Ashwood-Garvey, was invited to become treasurer. George Padmore (Jamaica), Sam Maling (Trinidad), and Mohammed Said from Somalia formed the Executive Committee of the new organization (Padmore, 1956, p.144-145).

The short time of the IAF's existence was not marked by any significant events. The participants did not have objective information about the situation in Ethiopia, although they established direct contacts with the Ethiopian Embassy in London. This was partly due to the fact that Ethiopian officials abroad at that time were not authorized to support the deployment of an effective campaign of solidarity with the anti-colonial struggle waged by the Ethiopian people. Modern Ethiopian researchers note that the emperor and his entourage most of all counted on the intervention of the League of Nations and were in no hurry to use even the opportunities that were at their disposal inside the country [The Fascist..., 1981, p. 69-89].

The most significant result of the activities of the IAF is not only and not so much the organization of support for the liberation struggle of the Ethiopian people during the repulse of Italian aggression and later, as the guerrilla war with the invaders unfolded. Much more important was the creation in Great Britain of a cohesive group of like-minded people representing various colonial peoples and united by the ideas of common destinies of these peoples.

George Padmore, who joined this group later than the others and quickly became its main ideologue, defined the mood of immigrants from the British colonies who settled in London as follows: "Realizing their complete defenselessness in the face of the new aggression of Europeans in Africa, the blacks felt

2 It is important to keep in mind that the future president of the independent Republic of Kenya had already attended the Comintern Communist University of the Workers of the East (KUTV) in 1932 [see: Comintern and Africa..., 2003, pp. 34-35].

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the need to understand ourselves" (Padmore, 1956). By this time, J. R. R. Tolkien had made his own political choice. Padmore has already done so, parting ways with the International Union Committee of Negro Workers (IPCCNR) and with the Communist movement in general. According to the figurative assessment of one of the leaders of the CP of the USA, J. Ford, in the UK, Padmore took the position of "nationalist rage" among immigrants from the colonies. Using his skills as an anonymous publicist for Communist publications that were illegally distributed in the colonies, Padmore wrote numerous articles from the London period, collected later in his main book Pan-Africanism or Communism? The coming battle for Africa " (Padmore, 1956), tried to rehabilitate his Comintern past in the eyes of new like-minded people. It was necessary for him to cross out his earlier harsh definitions of pan-Africanism as a kind of compromise ideology of the African bourgeoisie, designed to preserve British colonialism. It was also necessary to give a new, attractive assessment of the M. Garvey movement, since in the complex "color scheme" of pre-war London, outright "black racism" could hardly gather supporters.

It is important to keep in mind that the Moscow-Berlin part of Padmore's political life (as J. R. R. Tolkien described it) is very important. Kenyatta and some other immigrants from the British colonies) was hidden under underground pseudonyms. This was done, of course, to protect against possible persecution in the mother countries or in the colonies. However, it was also unexpectedly useful in order not to justify themselves and not to conduct polemics with themselves-recent anti-colonialists who stood on Comintern positions and categorically denied cooperation with any non-proletarian strata in colonial society.

In late 1936 and early 1937, the same people who created the IAF established the "International African Service Bureau" (IASB). The work of this organization was subordinated to solving mainly tactical tasks - legal assistance to immigrants from colonies or students in Great Britain, lobbying for the interests of delegations arriving from Africa or the West Indies, organizing various events of fellow countrymen and groups of colored people in London. It is interesting that, having adopted the ideas of pan-African unity, the IASB activists did not try to revise the ideological baggage of this movement until 1945. More importantly , there was not a single serious attempt to establish relations with African-American organizations and publications or to involve W. Dubois, who was in a kind of political oblivion in his homeland, in the activities of the IASB.

The views of the congress participants are most fully reflected in the collection of documents published under the editorship of J. R. R. Tolkien. Padmore in 1947 [History of the Pan-African Congress]. In addition to the actual documents adopted at the congress, it included minutes of meetings, a list of participants, texts of messages received and sent by the Congress on the days of the congress, as well as a historical sketch of pan-Africanism prepared by W. Dubois.

From the time of the establishment of the Pan-African Federation, which did not begin to function fully, until the publication of the collection, no significant, generalizing work was carried out to develop the ideological and practical tasks that pan-Africanism was intended to solve in the new post-war stage. J. Padmore also failed to fill in this gap by providing no preface to the collection, although nearly two years had passed since the demands were formulated in Manchester, and it is well known that the peoples of the colonies faced entirely new challenges.

Representation at the congress was largely determined by the fact that many of its participants moved to London immediately after the end of the World Trade Union Congress in Paris, which marked the beginning of the World Federation's activities

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trade unions (VFP). In total, of the nearly one hundred participants in the Manchester Congress who were registered on the list, more than one-third were professional trade unionists. Of the 60 organizations represented in Manchester, one-third were trade unions in the African Territories, 11 Caribbean countries, and trade unions originating from colonies in Great Britain itself [History of Pan-African Congress..., 1947, p. 71-74]. Such a composition of participants formed the special course of the discussion and the nature of the final documents.

Some of the speakers compared the current situation with the situation of 1918-1919 and warned against another possible betrayal of the interests of the peoples of the colonies by the metropolitan governments. "Negroes fought in two great wars, and we hope that the events of 1919 will not be repeated in 1945," said a representative of the Colored Workers ' Association in London [History of the Pan-African Congress..., 1947, p. 30]. Deputies emphasized that the only guarantee of the rights of the colored population is its association in trade unions. The addressee of all the speakers ' reproaches was the Ministry of Colonies. However, representatives of African Territories (Nigeria, Sierra Leone) They noted that regardless of which government - Labor or conservative-will be in power in Great Britain, representatives of colonial peoples should determine their own fate, achieving greater unity, overcoming the limitations of fellowships built only on national grounds, and being interested not only in academic problems, but also in specific issues of real life.

K. Nkrumah (History of Pan-African Congress..., 1947, p. 31) was elected speaker on the second topic on the agenda of the congress "Imperialism in North and West Africa". The subsequent fate of Nkrumah, a politician, Nkrumah, the leader of Ghana, the first colony of the continent to be liberated, and Nkrumah, a political exile, retrospectively made him the main character of the Fifth Congress in international public opinion. In reality, he was only one of J. R. R. Tolkien's active assistants. Padmore, a recognized leader of the London Pan-Africanists. In his biographical and analytical works published much later, Nkrumah quite clearly showed the atmosphere of preparation for the Manchester Congress. The peculiarity of Nkrumah's position in Manchester was that he directly called the policy of imperialism the main reason for the end of the World War, transferring part of the blame from the recognized aggressors to the European countries-the mother countries and the United States. It was against the imperialist policy aimed at retaining the colonies that he called for the struggle of the colonial and dependent peoples to be launched [History of the Pan-African Congress..., 1947, p. 32]. Along with such well-thought-out, well-reasoned appeals, declarative demands "to return power to our traditional rulers"could also be heard at the meetings.

Delegates advocated for the creation of a working body to continue the congress's activities, offering financial assistance to their organizations (the Gold Coast Railway Civil Servants and Technical Workers 'Union, the African Students' Association in the UK). The issue of creating effective and representative organizations to defend the rights of wage-earners of color in the mother country and to intensify the struggle for independence in the colonies was the focus of participants ' attention (speeches by Wallace Johnson on behalf of the West African Youth League, S. Coker, representing the Congress of Trade Unions of Nigeria). It was in this context that indignation was expressed at the policy of Great Britain, which, on the one hand, proclaimed the calls of the Atlantic Charter, and on the other, deprived the population of the colonies of basic rights.

An entire session was set aside for the presentation of the representative of Togo (who was not included in the final list of participants), the only delegate, in any case-

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tea according to official information about the congress, from French-speaking Africa. He drew the participants ' attention to the difference in the approaches of the French and English administrations to the upbringing, education and promotion of Africans in the colonies. In general, he rejected suggestions that the subjects of the French colonies considered themselves French citizens and therefore were not interested in fighting for self-government: "Sometimes it is doubted whether Africans living in French West Africa have a sense of national identity, but I can say that French West Africans would be much happier, if they could manage their territories themselves." This was followed by the conclusion: "All residents of French West Africa are convinced that it is better to manage their country badly, but by themselves, than to be the object of good management, but by someone else" [History of Pan-African Congress..., 1947, p. 36].

The problems of South Africa were outlined in two presentations by Peter Abrahams 3 and a representative of the authoritative African National Congress of South Africa. They gave a good picture of the true state of affairs in the South of the continent, provided a large amount of statistical data, and mentioned specific blatant racist legislation of the Government of the Union of South Africa. Special attention was paid to the situation of black mining workers, their attempts to create and expand their own labor unions, and to defend their rights in an organized manner [History of the Pan-African Congress..., 1947, p. 37-39].

"A picture of the state of affairs in East Africa", as the special session was called, was presented to the participants by J. R. R. Tolkien. Kenyatta. He reviewed the situation in all the countries of the region, emphasizing that before the imperialist division of territories, there was peace, abundance and prosperity...most of the peoples were happy and satisfied" [History of the Pan-African Congress, 1947, p. 40-43]. At the same time, J. Kenyatta considered it unacceptable that high taxes and flagrantly low wages existed in the colonies, and that traditional rulers, especially in Uganda, were deprived of their rights. Kenyatta considered achieving political independence to be the only way out of this situation. Complementary speakers from the Gold Coast, Gambia, and Sierra Leone suggested that more attention should be paid to the dissemination of information on the situation in East Africa and Africa in general through pan-African bodies, as well as through parliamentary channels, the press, and special publications.

The official list of participants does not indicate that Ethiopia was represented in any way at the congress. Such representation was probably not to be expected, given the rather cautious behavior of the imperial government in the context of the country's recent liberation from Italian occupation and heavy dependence on Great Britain. It is interesting that, despite the significant involvement of all IAFA-IASB employees in the recent past in the solidarity and support movement for Ethiopia, the discussion at the congress on the topic "Ethiopia and the Black Republics" was mainly reduced to information provided by Ras Makonnen, who spoke as it was previously reported.

3 Peter Abrahams has been in our country for many years, probably one of the most famous South Africans, thanks to his novel "The Path of Thunder" (1956). This work was repeatedly staged in Soviet theaters, was adapted into a film, and was included in the list of mandatory works in English, studied in higher school within the so-called "Thunderpath". home reading. In the much more significant work "A Wreath to Michael Udomo", the author created a collective image of an African leader who reminded both Kwame Nkrumah and, say, E. Mondlane, who was killed by Portuguese colonialists. The fate of such an invented revolutionary, who dreams of a new, united Africa, ends tragically - he dies at the hands of colonialists, betrayed by friends and not fully understood by his own people. Although this book was translated into Russian, for obvious reasons it was no longer recommended for students to study.

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Emphatically, not on behalf of the IASB, but on behalf of Ethiopia. He spoke about the illegal desire of Great Britain, which "used our support for Ethiopia" to expel Italians, to redefine the territories of Somalia, Ogaden and Eritrea. The speeches of P. Abrahams and W. Dubois, representatives of organizations of colored workers in England, focused on the significance of the very existence of Liberia and Ethiopia - independent states of black peoples (this also included the Republic of Haiti). Participants called for promoting the experience of independent rule of black governments as an example of the capacity of independent statehood of the peoples of the black race [History of Pan-African Congress..., 1947, p. 47-50].

As can be seen from the published works of J. R. R. Tolkien. According to the report of the Manchester Congress, not all of these meetings were equally well prepared, and the participants were not always able to focus on the most important issues and identify the most promising goals. This is confirmed by the numerous resolutions adopted in Manchester. Most of them (12 out of 15) are related to the problems of the colonial territories represented at the congress. According to the documents, it is largely possible to judge the degree of activity and political maturity of participants representing various regions of settlement of peoples of African descent.

While the resolutions specifically called for self-government for the peoples of the British West Indies, the "African peoples of the world" were asked to be granted full independence. In these documents, the difference between the terms "self-government" and "independence", which were often used both in the speeches of participants and in the documents of the congress, was perhaps most clearly visible. Self-government was interpreted mainly as granting electoral rights to the indigenous population of the colonies, creating certain representative institutions on this basis, developing old and creating new sectors of the economy with the maximum participation of local capital, and exercising various freedoms that existed in the metropolis. At the same time, Great Britain (since for the overwhelming majority of participants it was the mother country) not only was it the main conductor and executor of all the proposed innovations, but it was also considered as an example, a standard by which self - governing countries should compare their actions [Documents..., 1977, pp. 264-265].

Independence, as a rule, included all the conditions of self-government, but each of those who used this concept added something different to it. For example, in the case of West Africa, independence included the profound spiritual emancipation of African peoples and the restoration and development of their own cultural values. However, the demand for independence was not disclosed or detailed in any of the resolutions related to specific regions. Its essence could only be guessed by comparing the documents of the Congress. And this is understandable, because too much at the Manchester congress was necessary first of all to discuss, summarize, and make public. It was hardly to be expected that for the first time, in fact, having gathered such a large number of supporters of the not yet fully formulated ideas of pan-Africanism, the congress could turn into a mouthpiece for clear, well-thought-out and precisely addressed appeals.

The most complete reflection of the political positions of the participants of the V Pan-African Congress is contained in three policy documents adopted in Manchester. They are mentioned by modern researchers of the ideology of pan-Africanism as the main outcome of the congress. It is interesting that the authorship of these documents, in contrast to regional resolutions, has been determined. Although, of course, it should be borne in mind that at various stages of the revision and editing of the " Challenge to the Colonial Powers "(J. Padmore), "Appeals to the workers, peasants and intellectuals of the colonies"

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(K. Nkrumah) and the "Memorandum to the UN" (W. Dubois) were also joined by other participants of the congress [Documents..., 1977, pp. 251-253].

The very names of the documents themselves contain a specific targeting and demanding tone of the Congress ' appeals. The challenge to the colonial Powers was primarily needed to demonstrate the determination and intransigence of the delegates. The threat to use violence "capable of destroying all of humanity" was clearly included in the document at the initiative of those radical groups in the UK, primarily the right wing in the ISB led by S. James, who had experienced the practice of selective use of violence in the mother country and in the United States. They gradually despaired of achieving racial equality or even relative progress without using extreme means. The demands for freedom, education, and employment clearly came from many student and labor unions of color in the metropolitan area, whose sentiments were most closely related and understandable to J. R. R. Tolkien. To Padmore. Black Africa stood apart in these documents. For it, the "Challenge" required autonomy and independence no less and no greater than that "enjoyed in this" united world "by other independent peoples" [Documents..., 1977, p. 251]. At the same time, the" Challenge "also defined the further path of development of African peoples as "the establishment of' economic democracy '" without decoding. What exactly could this "only true democracy" give to the liberated peoples?

Thus, the first document of the congress, and this is exactly what, judging by its place in the collection, was considered by J. R. R. Tolkien to be. Padmore and other members of the Pan-African Federation leadership were called upon to answer the question of what all the participants of the V Pan-African Congress wanted. In fact, as can be seen from the text, "Challenge" reflected the point of view of only the most influential, eloquent and trained group in the ranks of pan-Africanists - the colored community in Great Britain. At the same time, it was shown that this group did not have a permanent deep connection with Africans and African-Americans, but was more focused on the tasks of combating racial discrimination in the mother country.

The" appeal "prepared by K. Nkrumah was intended to answer the question-who and how will achieve the goals defined in the"Challenge". But at the same time, the goals themselves suddenly changed. Thus, the colonial peoples did not just have to fight for the establishment of "economic democracy"; they had to free themselves from the power of foreign imperialists, both political and economic. K. Nkrumah interpreted the demand for self-government as follows:"...the struggle of colonial and dependent peoples for political power is a necessary condition and the first step towards full social, economic and political liberation "[Dokumenty..., 1977, p. 253]. The forces called upon to implement this appeal are specifically named in the "Appeal": the workers and peasants of the colonies, organized to counteract the economic interests of imperialism, the intelligentsia," conscious of their responsibility", aimed at"organizing the masses". The famous appeal of the Fifth Pan-African Congress "Colonial and dependent peoples of the world, unite!"was mentioned earlier. he pushed the boundaries of pan-Africanist demands even further. They tried, even if only in words, to combine their efforts with the growing strength and popularity of the workers ' movement, which was based, to a certain extent, on communist ideology, in the context of the general post-war political upheaval.

A special issue was the participation of African Americans in the congress. In contrast to the initial stage of the pan-African congress movement, when groups of African-Americans dominated it ideologically and organizationally, in Manchester only a very few of the participants were connected with the United States, and even then not directly, as, for example, K. Nkrumah, who arrived in the metropolis after his "American universities". Even the presence in European countries of a large number of American military personnel-

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As was the case in 1919, it did not lead to the appearance of any representatives of the Negroes at the Congress. At the same time, W. Dubois, who was elected Honorary President of the Congress, was present in Manchester. Of course, the fact that he was involved in the preparation of documents and holding meetings could not be considered a personification of the contribution of African Americans to the congress. However, the document Dubois brought back from the United States clearly illustrated both his own vision of the challenges facing the movement at that moment, and the point of view of a significant part of the African-American community.

The "Memorandum to the UN", like the documents of the First Pan-African Congress in 1919, was primarily aimed at drawing the attention of world public opinion to the urgent need for a reasonable civil structure "capable of controlling people's actions by democratic methods". According to W. Dubois, the congress was called upon to correct the main flaw that hindered the progress of Negroes (this term in the Memorandum in the American manner was called all peoples of African descent). It was intended to help overcome the difficulties experienced by Negroes in trying to communicate their needs and needs, as well as the hostility they face. It was the UN, in accordance with its Charter, that was supposed to provide for a procedure in which "complaints and demands of Africans could be freely expressed." As in the past, W. Dubois did not have direct, reliable, critically processed information about the situation in the colonies of the African continent. Instead of presenting the substance of the colonial peoples ' demands, at least in brief form, his "Memorandum" referred to past pan-African congresses as proof of the merits and authority of the pan-African movement. A topic that was actively defended by W. Dubois from the first steps of the pan-African movement has reappeared-the topic of the possibilities of "an increasing class of educated people" to express the demands of "African Negroes who have gone much further along the path of modern culture development than is commonly believed" [Documents..., 1977, p. 254].

It should be emphasized that W. Dubois prepared his document as the final conclusion of the entire congress. For this purpose, he enlisted the support of the heads of a number of organizations, the total list of which was almost equal in volume to the memorandum itself. It is important to keep in mind that Dubois did not officially represent any organization, and no other African-American representative was registered at the congress.

The situation that developed with the "Memorandum" of W. Dubois can, most likely, be explained by the fact that by 1945 the "father of pan-Africanism" was no longer connected with the congress movement organizationally, since the center of the movement had moved to Great Britain. He was not able to take into account the demands of new organizations and groups formulated in the context of the increased exploitation of the colonies on the eve and during the war, the emergence of mass organizations and parties within the colonies and in the mother country. Acceptance of the document by U. Dubois as a program and final document of the congress can be explained first of all by the popularity of W. Dubois himself, his personal connections with leading pan-Africanists of the new generation, and not by the persuasiveness and effectiveness of the" Memorandum " (it, as is known, remained only one of many ineffective documents at the founding conference of the UN in San Francisco in 1945, where it was represented by the author). A significant change characterized the attitude of the African-American community towards pan-Africanism. And since Y Dubois did not officially represent any African-American organizations; it can be assumed that this part of the peoples of African descent did not participate at all in the congress of the revived pan-African movement. Of course, it should be borne in mind that K. Nkrumah, J. Padmore, Ras Makonnen, to a certain extent N. Azikiwe and a number of other representatives of Africa, who were brought up in American universities, set the tone.-

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Gressa, who were the authors of the documents, became the head of a movement designed to continue the efforts of pan-Africanists after Manchester. But all this was only mediated by the influence of African Americans. The interests of the African colonies that were far away for them were such not only and not so much geographically, but ideologically. Issues of self-government or independence, which were a central issue for pan-Africanists, did not actually concern African Americans. Thus, the non-participation of African Americans in the pan-African movement during the Fifth Congress was also a logical conclusion to the process that began with the formation of African socio-political organizations proper and the consolidation of their representatives in the metropolis during the interwar period.

Another proof of the naturalness of this situation was the absence of representatives of various churches at the congress. As is well known, the search for their spiritual identity by peoples of African descent, and this was especially true for African Americans, has always been in the mainstream of religious life. At the stage of the Pan-African movement's birth and development, its ideological principles were also largely subordinated to the positions of various independent African churches that sent representatives to the congresses. Being, as a rule, deeply religious people, the first-generation Pan-Africanists themselves sought to enlist the support of religious figures - for example, the influential Anglican Bishop A. Walters was invited to preside at the First Pan-African Congress.

During the period of the IASB's activity, preparation and holding of the Manchester Congress, an increasing number of pan-Africanists thought in new categories and sought spiritual and cultural revival not only within the framework of the independent African Church. Of course, it would be wrong to consider the leading figures of the pan-African movement of this period as atheists, because even much later K. Nkrumah recognized: "At present, I am a Christian who does not belong to any particular church, as well as a socialist-Marxist, and I do not find any contradiction in this" [Nkrumah, 1962, p. 78]. But the Pan-Africanists of the new generation no longer had a natural desire to enlist the support of the church.

The Fifth Pan-African Congress was held at a turning point in the history of peoples of African descent. Social stratification continued actively both in the African colonial society and among its representatives in the mother country - primarily in the colored community in Great Britain. Dissonance in the ideological positions of representatives of the French and British colonies has increased. Due to objective conditions, the interests of African peoples and African Americans diverged much further than at the initial stage of the Pan-African Congress movement. All these trends were reflected both in form and substance at the Manchester Congress.

The ideas of pan-Africanism, as they were revived in the activities of the IASB and the Pan-African Federation, did not have enough followers to allow a full-scale congress to be held after the Second World War. Thanks to the participation of trade unionists who came from Paris, it acquired the significance that now defines its place in the history of peoples of African descent. After all, these representatives were delegates to Africa proper, and they set the tone for the discussion of issues related to the situation of the colonies. Without them, the congress would have been more West Indian than Pan-African, with more than a third of the delegates representing British colonies in the West Indies or West Indian organizations in the mother country.

Unlike the first congresses, the French colonies were not represented in Manchester. This can be seen not as a combination of circumstances, but as a logical development of the policy that "began in 1944-1945 under the slogan of assimilation and integration with the Soviet Union."

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a country that left no room for the development of nationalist, not to mention pan-African, tendencies" (Geiss, 1974, p. 396-397).

Significant differences between the appeals of the V Congress and the demands of previous congresses sometimes allowed us to consider them a ready-made program of action for those organizations of peoples of African descent that were created after Manchester [Nationalism..., 1983, pp. 56-57, 81-83]. It seems that such an assessment was excessive, just as K. Nkrumah's conviction that "the congress adopted Marxist socialism as its philosophy" is now seen as excessive [Nkrumah, 1962, p. 57]. Ultimately, the Pan-African Congress movement had yet to launch the struggle for political power defined in the "Appeal to the Workers, Peasants, and Intellectuals of the Colonial Countries" as "the first step and necessary condition for complete social, economic, and political liberation."

The sixty years that separate us from the Manchester Congress have significantly dimmed its significance, its memory. It is no longer included in the world chronologies published at the end of the 20th century [Chronologic., 1996; Chronologie..., 1997]. Its organizers and participants have long since left the political scene. What was more important about this political event: an aspiration to the future or a rootedness in the past? The time of its holding was, without a doubt, the time of slogans. The addressees of these slogans were peoples who were still just entering the complex post-war world, who did not know it well, and even their relatives-the peoples of African descent on both sides of the Atlantic. Previous attempts to construct a Pan-Africa unified for all these peoples of Africa ended in failure. This concerned the efforts of M. Garvey's supporters, based on considerations of racial solidarity. This also applied to like-minded W. Dubois, who sought to supplement racial solidarity with a system of liberal democratic values. Prior to the Fifth Pan-African Congress, outside forces were looking at Africa. At the congress, Africans themselves began to try on the ideas of pan-African solidarity. The slogans presented at the congress in Manchester were clear and therefore attractive. But in the long decades that have passed since the congress, filled with doubts, struggles, disappointments, and victories, these slogans have never been realized. It is enough to recall the fate of the now defunct Organization of African Unity, which was considered by many as a real implementation of the ideas of pan-African unity. The main result of the Fifth Congress was not so much ideas, appeals, and warnings as real people who left after the congress for their own countries, which were still dependent on the mother countries at that time, and very soon made them independent parts of the new Africa. Thus, the V Pan-African Congress ended the time of slogans and began a new period-the time of creating development programs for independent African states. This was no longer a place for pan-African ideas, but a time of hard and painstaking work for national parties, Governments and leaders.

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The Comintern and Africa. Documents, St. Petersburg, 2003.
Moslems in the Public Space of America: Hopes, Fears and Aspirations, Moscow, 2005.
Nkrumah K. I'm talking about freedom. Presentation of the African ideology, Moscow, 1962.
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Potekhin I. I. Panafrikanism and the struggle of two ideologies / / Kommunist. 1964. N 1.

Troshin Yu. A.Istoriya stran Asii i Afrika v sovremennoe vremya (1918 - 2000) [History of Asian and African countries in Modern times (1918-2000)].

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The Fascist Italian Invasion and the Ethiopian Peoples Struggle for Liberation. Vol. 1. Meskerem, 1981. N 3 - 4.

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Padmore G. Pan-Africanism or Communism? The Coming Struggle for Africa. L., 1956.

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