The history of Nigeria's struggle for independence is closely linked to the name of Benjamin ¹ Nnamdi Azikiwe - a prominent representative of African nationalism and pan-Africanism, a talented politician, the first president of this large, populous African country, saturated with social and ethnic contradictions.

Key words: Nnamdi Azikiwe, Zik, Nigeria, "the philosophy of Zikism".

According to the English Africanist Thomas Hodgkin, no politician in Nigeria had such an impact on the Nigerian public as Azikiwe: "For many Nigerians, he became a symbol of the freedom they hoped to win, and for many Europeans-the personification of rising African nationalism" (West Africa, 1951, p.751). In turn, William Dubois, a consistent defender of the Negro race, an active promoter of the ideas of pan-Africanism, wrote: "Azikiwe from Nigeria raised perhaps the largest number of Africans in our time to fight for freedom and independence" (Dubois, 1961, p.320).

The role of Azikiwe is highly appreciated by Nigerians themselves-his supporters and opponents, friends and enemies. According to Mbonu Ojike, Azikiwe fed Nigeria and Africa with the " bread of nationalism." Nwafor Orizu wrote that Azikiwe is a leader because he is able to capture the barely emerging moods and hopes of people. In Africa, for example, there were vague ideas about a "new life" among the masses, and Azikiwe expressed them in his philosophy of a New Africa. Africans were drawn to the" New Africa", and Zeke ² was its embodiment for them. Lawyer and statesman Adenirana Ogun-sanya considers Azikiwe, a nationalist, to be the bearer of all human virtues. He knew how to respect the opinions of others and had charisma. Even his opponents spoke of him with awe. Kingsley Ozuomba Mbadiwe, a political opponent of Azikiwe, wrote that during the colonial era in Nigeria, he was like a deity: his orders were feared by everyone, including the police. When he, who was distinguished for his endurance, lost patience and went into battle, he fought like a "wounded lion". The youth of West Africa saw in him something messianic, an African Gandhi who brought light so that people could find their way. Researchers call Azikiwe "a cautious politician with a high sense of responsibility", "intelligent, sensitive, proud of the consciousness of his race" [Bretton, 1962, p. 114; Lynch, 1967, p. 249]. Chido Nwangwu, publisher of USAfricaonline, the first African newspaper published online in the United States, calls him a titan of African politics, and believes that it is not for nothing that the British were wary of Azikiwe: they understood the scale and role of this historical figure.

The qualities described by various people characterize Azikiwe as a tireless fighter for freedom and equality, very pragmatic, able to calculate accurately

¹ This name was dropped after the resignation of his father, which was a consequence of the policy of racial discrimination.

² A popular abbreviation of the name Azikiwe, which he received in the United States.

limits of what is acceptable and possible. The first president of independent Malawi, Hastings Kamuzu Banda, called Azikiwe the most practical and pragmatic politician he knew. Banda admired his intelligence, logic and great love for his country, and considered his life amazing and incredible. To speak of Azikiwa as a politician, businessman, and thinker is to speak of an entire era of the national liberation movement in Africa. The personality of Zeke, bright, purposeful, initiative, seemed mysterious to many Africans, and therefore overgrown with myths and legends that attributed to him supernatural power. For many colonial-era Nigerians, Nnamdi Azikiwe was a superhuman being sent to liberate the people from foreign domination. He was charming, exuding energy and at the same time had diplomatic, organizational and oratorical abilities, the ability to persuade and establish contacts. Zeke fought against colonialism, and among his countrymen promoted loyalty to a united Nigeria in the name of self-determination and a "better life".

Azikiwe is rightly considered one of the founders of modern Nigeria. His name is associated with a turning point in the political history and public thought of not only Nigeria in the 1930s and 1960s, but also West Africa in the 20th century. Despite serious opposition, he managed to raise a powerful movement across the country and achieve Nigeria's independence without bloodshed. Its activities reflect general trends in the development of nationalism in the former British colonies of West Africa.

Nnamdi Azikiwe is an Igbo ³ native, born in 1904 in Zungeru ⁴, where his father served as a clerk in the chancery of the British Brigade. On his mother's side, Azikiwe's first cousin was King Onichi ⁵, the traditional Igbo city - state that was the birthplace of Azikiwe's ancestors in southeastern Nigeria. Zeke went to various Christian mission schools: at the Catholic mission in Onitza, where his parents sent him to live with relatives at the age of eight, at the school of the Church of England Missionary Society. Then he worked at the Methodist Church mission in Lagos and in Calabar in southeastern Nigeria at the oldest and most prestigious secondary academic institution, Hope Waddell Institute, actually an early polytechnic, where Zeke studied at the Teachers ' college. After completing his secondary education, he served for four years in Lagos as a low-ranking clerk in the Treasury. As a result of his travels around the country, Nnamdi Azikiwe became fluent in the three most widely spoken local languages - Hausa, Yoruba, and Igbo, which later became very important for his political activities.

At the time of his birth, Africa was divided into spheres of influence between European powers, and Europeans-foreign newcomers, felt themselves masters of the situation here, experiencing hostility and hostility towards the local population, their way of life and culture. Zika spent his childhood and youth during the final British takeover of the territories of the future Nigeria. In 1914, various cultural, religious and social characteristics of the regions ⁶ were united into a single whole-Nigeria, a colony under the administration of Governor-General Frederick Lugard (1912-1919), the conqueror who carried out this unification, one of the creators of "indirect administration" in the British colonies. The fact that Nigeria was the product of an arbitrary association of ethnic groups with different historical experiences and traditions within a single colony determined the development features and significance of Nnamdi Azikiwe's activities for the country's fate.

³ The Igbo, or Ibo, are the largest ethnic group in Nigeria, along with the Hausa and Yoruba.

⁴ The city was the capital of the British protectorate of Northern Nigeria, a historically Islamized part of the country.

⁵ Onitsha.

⁶ Protectorates of Northern and Southern Nigeria and the island of Lagos annexed by the British in 1861.

The formation of the young politician coincided with the beginning of the 1920s. Then in West Africa, social and political life began to revive. This was due to the international situation after the First World War and the British policy of racial discrimination, to which the small educated part of African society, which had already declared itself by that time, reacted extremely painfully. In Nigeria, the first youth cultural and educational organizations with very vague programs appeared, which originated mainly in Lagos, where the Nigerian intelligentsia was concentrated. Twenty-year-old Zeke was one of the participants in these initiatives.

Public life took place against the background of echoes of ideas coming from the American continent. There, among the descendants of slaves brought from Africa to the plantations of the United States during the slave trade, a movement for civil rights of Negroes was formed and an ideology in defense of the black race was born. Azikiwa, in particular, was struck by William Dubois 'book" Black Souls", which defended the idea of the need for an active policy of protecting the civil rights of blacks in the United States and his own work"Black Opportunities: at the forefront of racial progress". Zeke was also very impressed with Marcus Garvey, including what he said: "The Lord created each of us in order that we might take our place in the world and that none of us should think that we were created to be what we are, and not what we can make ourselves" [cit. by: Jones Quartey, 1965, p. 28]. It is not surprising that Garvey's political paradigm is the idea of forming a nationalist identity of the black race ("black Zionism") Zeke was intrigued.

At the same time, he was strongly influenced by the preaching of another Black emancipation advocate, an African priest from the Gold Coast, ⁷ James Quegir Aggri, a Methodist missionary who received an education and three degrees from an American university. He studied chemistry, physics, logic, economics, and later sociology and psychology. He became a Doctor of theology. In Africa, as part of scientific expeditions, Aggri studied the possibilities of improving the education system in ten countries of the continent, including the British colonies of West Africa. In 1920, he served on the Phelps-Stokes Foundation's Africa Education Commission, and in 1924, he co-founded Achimota College in Accra. This ascetic missionary tried to establish harmony and cooperation between whites and blacks, trying to awaken respect for Africans in Europeans, while encouraging Africans to imitate the white man in his "greatness" and especially emphasizing the ability of whites to work hard.

Meeting Aggri during his sermon in Lagos made a lasting impression on sixteen-year-old Azikiwe and served as an impetus for the formation of his worldview. In his memoir, My Odyssey, Zeke wrote:: "After that day, I became a new person. My ideas and life changed so much that I began to dream against all odds about the time when I could become like Aggri" [cit. by: Zik...].

Azikiwe set himself the task of proving that an African deserves a better life, and he decided to visit America to continue his studies there. Zeke's plan to go to America was supported by his father, who approved of his son's intention to go to distant lands in search of the "golden fleece of knowledge" in order to defeat the "dragon of ignorance" and saved up a certain amount of money to realize this dream. In 1925, Zeke traveled to the United States and became the first Nigerian to be educated in America in the 1920s. It was an audacious step for an African at that time, with a sense of purpose and perseverance in achieving goals. Later, he compared his American epic to Homer's story about the wanderings of Odysseus, who overcame a path full of trials.

⁷ Ghana.

Azikiwe stayed in the United States for nine years, during which he studied at a number of educational institutions: Storer College ⁸, Howard University ⁹, Lincoln University ¹⁰ (the world's first higher education institution for Africans)¹¹, and later (on a Phelps Stokes Foundation scholarship) at Columbia and Penn Universities ¹². He majored in philology, philosophy, law, anthropology, political science, and journalism, earning degrees and degrees. He defended his doctoral dissertation "Liberian Diplomacy 1847-1932", published in 1934 under the title "Liberia in World Politics".

Along with his studies, Zeke was engaged in teaching: he read public law, courses in history-ancient, medieval, modern, English and African history at Lincoln University, and a course in political science at the University of Pennsylvania. Azikiwe's success brought him to the attention of Professor Bronislaw Malinowski of the University of London, who offered him a PhD in anthropology in London. However, Azikiwe was in a hurry to return to Africa.

At times, studying in America was associated with severe poverty. Part-time jobs took vacations, and classes had to be interrupted. He worked as a waiter, miner, elevator operator, caretaker, dishwasher and car washer, kitchen assistant and boxer. It is known that since childhood Azikiwe was involved in many sports, including weightlifting, swimming, boxing, running at different distances, playing football, tennis, cricket, etc.In Africa and America, he constantly participated in sports competitions, winning medals. Later in Nigeria, together with a friend, he founded a sports club - Zik's Athletic Club to promote the development of sports, and he was a member of various Nigerian sports associations.

In the United States, Azikiwe gained his first experience as a journalist. He was the editor of Columbia University's Columbia University Summer Sessions Times, a university correspondent for The Baltimore Afro-American, and a sports correspondent for The Philadelphia Tribune. Later, in Africa, he was a correspondent for The Associated Negro Press in Chicago and for Reuters.

In a complex environment of intense social conflicts in the context of racial discrimination and the protest movement of American Negroes, Zeke became acquainted with various ideological trends and doctrines. He absorbed the concepts of the ideologues of pan-Africanism E. W. Blyden, M. Garvey, W. Dubois, becoming a staunch supporter of pan-Africanism and pannegrism, an indomitable fighter against racism.

Particularly profound was the influence of Blyden, whom Zeke considered the true father of African nationalism, and subsequently kept a portrait of him in his presidential residence. Azikiwe used Blyden's main ideas about the Negroid race in his propaganda work, denying the thesis of its inferiority and backwardness, asserting the equality of races, proving that African culture has made its contribution to human history. He developed the idea of the need for spiritual emancipation of Africans, considered Liberia (at that time the only independent republic in Africa) as a symbol of Negro-African freedom, etc. All this was most fully reflected in the already mentioned book - "Liberia in World Politics "(1934), which brought the author fame even before his return to his homeland, and in the book "Resurgent Africa" (1937).

⁸ West Virginia.

⁹ Washington.

¹⁰ State of Pennsylvania.

¹¹ Zeke studied there for four years.

¹², respectively, in New York and Philadelphia. These private institutions are part of the group of eight oldest universities in the United States, called the "Ivy League".

Azikiwe saw the historical mission of Liberia as the creation of an ideal African State and the establishment of the hegemony of the black race in it. He linked the autonomy of Liberia with the future of African civilization, with the creation of a new civilization based on human relations, as opposed to the European civilization, which, like O. Spengler, he considered doomed. With his works, Zeke pursued the goal of spiritual decolonization of Africans, creating the necessary prerequisite for the awakening of national and racial consciousness.

In addition to his studies and politics, Zeke was interested in the socio-economic aspects of colonial life, banking, agricultural problems, cultural history, and African art. Zeke wrote a number of works, pamphlets, lectures, and speeches on economics, politics, history, anthropology, and art. Among them are" The Practice of Forced Labor "(1931)," Criticism of Polygamy "(1932)," Theories of the Origin of the State "(1933)," Anthropology and the Racial Problem " (1933), a program of lectures on African History (1933), Lectures on Historiography (1933) and others. There is evidence that in 1933, at Lincoln University, he defended his dissertation on "Onichi Mythology" (on the mythological genealogy of the Igbo people).

The American period was a major milestone in the formation of the young Azikiwe. At the age of 17, he graduated from high school (a rarity for that time), at 26, he already had academic degrees and US incentive awards, was well educated and prepared for politics. At the same time, he was the embodiment of a complex synthesis of traditional culture and Western civilization. Shaped by the influence of the West and understanding the significance of its achievements for Africa, he remained an African, committed to the spirit and traditions of the people to which he belonged.

There are many examples of this. In Nigeria, due to circumstances, the Azikiwe leader was a member of such traditional unions as the Igbo Ethnic State Union, the Igbo Mutual Aid Union. In addition, he was a holder of traditional Igbo titles, including the socially significant traditional title of "ovelle" Onichi (a title approaching the concept of "king"), assigned to him by the Onichi chiefs in 1970, which allowed him to become a red-capped chief of the first stage (Ndichie Ume), honorary in the hierarchy.. And in 1996, already retired, he was accepted into the Agbalantse Society , a prestigious Igbo male socio-political and religious union, voluntary but for a select few, revered in traditional Onichi society, and thus became the bearer of the high title of "ozo", an important status symbol in Igbo land at that time.

The path to the" new life " of Africa, in his opinion, lay through the determination of the Africans themselves of their worthy place in the human community, the conquest of freedom, for which in rhetoric and politics he relied on the experience of the West and the achievements of Western social thought. Zeke was a member of many scientific societies, including the Royal Society of Economics, the British Association for the Advancement of Science, the American Society for International Law (Center for Human Rights Studies at Columbia University), the American Anthropological Association, the American Society for Political Science, and the American Ethnological Society. He was also a member of the Anti-Slavery Society for Human Rights, and since his student days he has been a member of Fita Beta Sigma ¹⁴, a society dedicated to fraternity, education, and service. We should also mention Azikiwe's membership in the West African Students ' Union15, which played an important role in the development of African nationalism.

¹³ Rich and distinguished people.

¹⁴ Mostly African-American.

¹⁵ London.

After returning to Africa in 1934, Zeke spent three years on the Gold Coast, where he was editor-in-chief of the African Morning Post [¹⁶] and worked closely with Kwame Nkrumah. [¹⁷] In 1937, Zeke was persecuted for his anti-government position in the newspaper, returned to Nigeria, and was immediately elected to the executive committee of the Nigerian Youth Movement. In the 1930s, young intellectuals in West Africa began to push for self-government within the British Empire and came into conflict with "a tired galaxy of old leaders who were more inclined to be gradual and adapt to colonial status" (Coleman, 1960, p. 229). Azikiwe, along with H. O. Davis, a lawyer who also became a member of the DNM leadership, helped strengthen these trends and the movement's popularity. With their arrival, the DNM's moderate and initially loyal policy to the colonial authorities changed. However, then Zik left the DNM due to disagreements with the" elite leadership " of the organization and in 1941 joined the leadership of the largest and most famous in 1920-1930. The Nigerian National Democratic Party (NNDP). It was created and led by an authoritative nationalist of the older generation, Herbert McAuley¹⁸. This zealous fighter for the rights of the local population (mainly Lagos), demanded constitutional reforms as a British subject under the colonial system. McAuley's popularity was important for creating a more mainstream organization, followed by the traditional, Christianized, and Islamized strata.

In Africa, the organizational talent of Azikiwe was manifested, who began to create an agitation and propaganda base for the national movement, his own newspaper business. The sharply anti-imperialist newspaper The West African Pilot became West Africa's leading newspaper of the 1940s and 1950s, and a mouthpiece for Nigerian nationalists. The newspaper formed public consciousness and was popular with officials, clerks of trading companies, teachers and young people. At the same time, in the 1940s, Azikiwe created and became the owner of an entire "newspaper empire" of six dailies, ¹⁹ which were recognized and published in various cities, including Lagos, Port Harcourt, Ibadan, Onichi, and Kano.²⁰ With its newspapers, Azikiwe has covered almost the entire Nigeria, ushering in a whole new era of journalism. Drawing on American experience, he created a highly profitable business that allowed him to finance the activities of nationalists.

The creation of the new organization took place in August 1944 from the merger of the left-wing group DNM and NNDP. Born out of Azikiwe's initiative, the National Union of Nigeria and Cameroon (CNPC) has become the country's leading political movement. Azikiwe saw the general task of the NCSC as bringing together various elements of communities, articulating the natural aspirations of people, expressing in a concrete form the direction of public opinion, and freeing the people "from the fetters of political dependence" (Azikiwe, 1961, p. 163). McAuley became president of the NCOC, and Azikiwe became its general secretary.²¹ The union of two recognized Nigerian leaders increased the political influence of the Union, although the formed Yoruba who remained in the DNM were in opposition to it.

The CNPC was a confederation of party, professional, ethnic, youth, student, women's, religious organizations and various cultural associations of Nigeria and Cameroon, representing all segments of the population, especially the Lagos population. By ethnic composition, it was the only political association that included-

¹⁶ Accra.

¹⁷ Francis Nwia Kofi Kwame Nkrumah (1909-1972). Ghanaian philosopher, sociologist and political scientist; first Prime Minister (1957-1960) and first President (1960 - 1966) of independent Ghana.

¹⁸ Representatives of the Yoruba people.

¹⁹ Zik's Press Ltd.

²⁰ Daily Comet was the first daily newspaper to appear in the Muslim North of the country.

²¹ Since 1946, due to the death of G. McAuley, Zeke headed the NCSC as President.

all ethnic groups of the country are represented. It had the most widespread support among the Igbo. At the same time, as a leader of Nigerian nationalism, Azikiwe was very popular among the Yoruba people and a large part of the youth of the north. The CNPC was supported by representatives of the south, especially from the south-eastern provinces. Despite the slogan: "One country, one God, one destiny", which reflected the attitude towards common Nigerian unity, it was not easy to unite Nigeria: this was prevented by the ethnocentric sentiments of the elites of large ethnic groups. They were formed in the course of urbanization and intensified due to the official regionalization of the country (colonial reforms) in the late 1940s.

The NCSC program took into account the interests of different segments of the population. The Constitution of the Union proclaimed the unconditional recognition by the colonial Government of the basic principle of the land tenure system in Nigeria, the transfer of ownership rights to Nigerian land to the local population, the protectionist policy towards Nigerian trade and the restriction of colonial exploitation by law, social equality and the elimination of all forms of discrimination and segregation based on race, and the implementation of executive, legislative and legal authority by Nigerians under the British mandate, i.e. full internal self-government and democratic freedoms, etc. [Azikiwe, 1961, p. 81].

Unlike the leaders of the DPR, who made the issue of self-government dependent on the development of the political consciousness of the people, Azikiwe demanded that Nigeria be granted self-government as soon as possible and was the first to talk about independence. A step in this direction was the memorandum of journalists drawn up by him, known as the Atlantic Charter and British West Africa (1943), which demanded the immediate granting of self-government to the British colonies of West Africa with a transitional period of 15 years, and then granting them independence in the status of dominions within the British Commonwealth of Nations. The memorandum provided for the gradual transfer of control of Nigeria to the hands of Nigerians and the training of national personnel for the independent development of the country.

The demand was rejected, after which Zik began to act within the framework of constitutional reforms, leading the fight for reforms in Nigeria and the creation of a local representative government. He published a series of articles under the general title " Political Foundations of Nigeria "(1943) and drafted the Nigerian Constitution (1943), formulating a program for social and democratic transformation in the country and making Nigeria a sovereign state "equal in status to the United Kingdom or any other state in the world "(Osoba, 1969, p. 30).. Azikiwe wrote the Draft using manifestos, decrees, and decrees issued by various states of the world, which he saw as a confirmation of the principles so important for achieving freedom.

Zeke was the first Nigerian nationalist to formulate a nationalist doctrine against undemocratic forms of government and, using the ideas of the bourgeois Enlightenment, proclaimed the principle of popular sovereignty as the antithesis of the colonial form of government, striking at the theory of indirect government and creating the prerequisites for the transfer of power to the hands of Africans. Zeke wrote: "After studying the history of mankind for many centuries, I have come to the conclusion that control of political power is the only key that opens access to the happiness and satisfaction of man as a political animal. Without political power, no country can live a full life... no dependent nation can build its own destiny in accordance with its own ideals" [Osoba, 1969, p. 30].

With the participation of Azikiwe and the NCNC, during the Second World War and after it, there was a "phenomenal growth" of the political consciousness of the Nigerian masses, at this time a sense of a single national community and solidarity among Nigerians was maturing [Orizu, 1944, p. 232]. In order to unite the masses, the CNPC led a protest campaign

(under the slogan of self-government) against the introduction in 1946 of the Richards Constitution and ordinances aimed at undermining the unity of Nigeria by dividing it into self-governing regions, bringing "a policy of protest to the doorstep of many Nigerian communities" [Azikiwe, 1943, p. 54].

However, not all of Zika's promotions were successful, which affected its popularity. This was hindered by the growth of ethnocentric sentiments in the country, especially since since the late 1940s, the activities of this politician have been closely linked to the interests of the Igbo and their related Ibibio ethnic group from the Eastern region. This reduced his chances of becoming a national leader. The name Zika was associated with the Igbo's ethnocentrism, their desire for ethnic consolidation and self-government based on cultural autonomy. Zeke himself, an ideologist of Nigerian nationalism, considered ethnocentrism a natural and inevitable stage in the process of self-determination within the federal commonwealth of Nigeria and Cameroon. He did not object to the initiative of his people to create the Ibo State Union and his own election as president of this organization (1948-1952) [Azikiwe, 1961, p. 246]. As a result, Zeke was accused by his political opponents (from the Yoruba and Hausa regions) of tribalism. He himself considered tribalism a reality that needed to be "adapted" to the imperative of national unity, and interpreted it as a " pragmatic instrument of national unity "(Azikiwe, 1964), taking into account the experience of multinational Western countries and Russia.

However, despite all the disagreements of the political elites of large ethnic groups, which forced Azikiwe to maneuver, concluding political alliances in order to avoid a split in the country, the CNPC party under his leadership fulfilled its role and led the country to independence. On October 1, 1960, Azikiwe was appointed by the British Crown to the post of Governor-General of Nigeria and Commander - in - Chief of the armed forces of the country (1960-1963), and with the proclamation of the Federal Republic of Nigeria on October 1, 1963, Azikiwe was confirmed by the Legislative Council as its President (1963-1966). The first independent government of Nigeria was created on the basis of an alliance of political parties in the Northern and Eastern regions.

Prior to his presidency, Azikiwe was a politician who held many positions of responsibility: a member of the Legislative Council of Nigeria (1947-1951), the Legislative Chamber of the Western Region (1952-1953), the Prime Minister of the Eastern Region (1954-1959), and others. As the Prime Minister of Eastern Nigeria, Zeke paid special attention to education and development, instilled free primary education, and emphasized the importance of getting an education abroad to build the foundations of a society of the future. According to his plan,the University of Nigeria (Nsukka, 1960) was created as a democratic center of education on the American model, as opposed to the elite University of Ibadan (Western Nigeria). From his personal fund, Zeke approved scholarships for school and college students, purchased and donated thousands of books to the university, and in 1990, he donated part of his real estate - twenty three-story buildings and twelve bungalows, as well as a plot of land. Zik sought to attract foreign capital to encourage local industrial production (textiles, ore, chemical reagents, vegetable oil, etc.). He paid considerable attention to his own business and banks. As the founder and owner of the African Continental Bank (Enugu, 1947), he invested in Nigerian entrepreneurs.

In January 1966, a military coup took place in Nigeria (some of the officers refused to support the coup), and Zeke lost his post. Civilian power was replaced by military power. Azikiwe's repeated attempts to assume the presidency were unsuccessful. He continued to participate in public and political life and headed the Nigerian People's Party (NPPP), which he founded, from 1978 to 1984, when political parties were banned by the next military regime.

Once out of work, Zeke retired to his residence in Nsukka, where he wrote extensively, reflecting on the social, economic, and political situation in the country and his political future. He was deeply affected by what was happening, he was afraid of the prospect of a more powerful explosion on the basis of ethno-tribal and religious discord and hostility, fraught with economic losses, social and political unrest and the emergence of an even more terrible military catastrophe. His fears came true: a civil war broke out on ²² October, which broke out between Eastern Nigeria (the self-proclaimed Republic of Biafra) and the Federation after bloody pogroms with thousands of victims in Northern Nigeria directed against the Igbo.

It was a war related to the attempt of the eastern provinces of Nigeria with a predominant Igbo population to secede from the Federation, and it began at the decision of the traditional Igbo chiefs and under the leadership of a young lieutenant colonel Chukwuyemeki Odumegwu Ojukwu. Under the circumstances, Zik has aligned himself with his ethnic group in its desire to establish its own sovereign State. He even served as an adviser to Ojukwu and traveled to countries in Europe and Africa, seeking Biafran help and recognition. However, later, to prevent a catastrophe, he called on the OAU, the UN and the Vatican to intervene in the reconciliation of the parties. But in vain. And then Zeke openly declared his refusal to continue supporting the military action of Biafra, calling for a peaceful settlement of the conflict. At the same time, with broad international support, Zik has been active in helping refugees and rebuilding efforts.

In January 1970, hostilities ceased, and Azikiwe, whose popularity had grown again, announced his return to politics as a representative of the opposition to the military regime of General Gowon, but was unsuccessful. Then he returned to his favorite pursuits - journalism and sports. He became involved in the organization of amateur football, joined the leadership of the association of boxing clubs and organized the Nigerian Table Tennis Association.

Azikiwe is the author of many published works on politics, ideology, the struggle for independence and others, including current issues in Nigeria. His system of political views ("Zikism philosophy"), imbued with the idea of the liberation of Africa and the emancipation of the black race, covers such concepts as" spiritual emancipation"," economic self-determination","social and political revival". He owns ¹³ monographs, articles, lectures and speeches published in newspapers, magazines and collections, as well as a number of poetry compilations23. During the period of forced political inactivity, he worked on the project "Economic Reconstruction of Nigeria", compiled collections of poetry " Meditation "and the anthology"Treasures of West African Poetry". At the insistence of his friends, he was completing an autobiographical book, My Odyssey. In 1972, Zeke was very pleased to be appointed to the honorary post of Chancellor of the University of Lagos, which he held until the end of 1975, when he was succeeded by the new military head of State, General Murtala Mohammed.

In 1986. Zeke finally left politics. In the following years, he did not leave his residence in Nsukka much, and on May 11, 1996, he passed away. His supporters and opponents argued for a long time about where to bury the national hero. As a result, he was buried in the homeland of his ancestors in Onich. At his funeral, people came from different parts of the country to pay tribute to the "Great Zeke of Africa". Then, according to his contemporaries, peace reigned for a short time in the country.

Azikiwe is an outstanding figure in the history of Nigeria and Africa, a symbol of the struggle for freedom, a symbol of pride and dignity of representatives of the black race, "looking to the future".

²² The Biafran crisis of 1967-1970

²³ See. Application.

His memory in Nigeria, as in sub-Saharan Africa as a whole, is associated with the struggle for the emancipation of Africa. His name stands among the African political figures who have made a visible contribution to the history of the continent.

Zeke himself considered his mission accomplished, as he said in his speech when assuming the post of Governor-General of independent Nigeria.: "My direct earthly mission is fulfilled, and the main work of my life is completed. Now my country is free, and I have the honor of becoming its first African head of State. What more could I ask for in my life?" by: Ajasa Jaiyeola, 1996).

However, the historical truth is more dramatic. Odumegwu Ojukwu, the rebel general of the failed Biafran empire, was probably not far off the mark when he said that with independence, Zik was a "tragic figure" because he was supposed to serve as "a symbol of Nigeria, which it should have been, but which it wasn't" [cit. by Ajasa Jaiyeola, 1996].

Zeke's dream was to lead his country through transformation, unification, and improvement of democratic institutions. He believed that Nigeria played an important role in modern history because of its scale and human potential. But it is precisely because of this that the country has faced many problems. Azikiwe noted with regret that in the new conditions of independence, the good traditions of the pre-colonial past (such as the democratic principles of self-organization among the majority of the peoples of Nigeria) are not being implemented, but there is incompetence in governance and a lack of democracy in the choice of leadership, which leads to political crises (Azikiwe, 1965).

In memory of Nnamdi Azikiwa in Nigeria, the international airport in Abuja, the modern capital of the country, the stadium in Enugu, the street in Lagos and the avenue in Enugu are named. His portrait is depicted on the state assignation in denominations of five hundred naira. His name is given to a university in Oka ²⁴, the capital of Anambra State in southwestern Nigeria, and student dormitories at the University of Nigeria in Nsukka and the University of Ibadan, etc.

list of literature

Dubois W. Africa. Essay on the history of the African continent and its inhabitants, Moscow, 1961.

Ajasa Jaiyeola. The Spirit-Man: Nnamdi Azikiwe // The Week. May 27, 1996 (http://emeagwali.com/nigeria/ nnamdi-azikiwe...)

Azikiwe N. Political Blueprint of Nigeria. Lagos, 1943.

Azikiwe N. Zik. A Selection from the Speeches of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe. Cambridge University Press, 1961.

Azikiwe Nnamdi. Essentials for Nigerian Survival // Foreign Affairs. Vol. 43, No. 3 (Apr. 1965).

Bretton Henry L. Power and Stability in Nigeria. N.Y., 1962.

Coleman J.S. Nigeria: Background to Nationalism. Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1960.

http://emeagwali.com/nigeria/nigerians/nnamdi-azikiwe...

Jones-Quartey, K.A.B. A Life of Azikiwe. Evanston, 1965.

Lynch Hollis R. Edward Wilmot Blyden. Pan-Negro Patriot, 1832 - 1912. L., 1967.

Nnamdi Azikiwe (1904 - 1996). Speech of notable Biafran Leader, http://www.wilsonuche.20m.com/custom3.html

Okoye M. Storms on the Niger: A Story of Nigeria s Struggle. Enugu, n.d.

Orizu A.A. Nwafor. Without Bitterness. Western Nations in Post-War Africa. N.Y., 1944.

Osoba O. Ideological Trends in the Nigerian National Liberation Movement and the Problems of National Identity, Solidarity and Motivation 1934 - 1965. A Preliminary Assessment // Ibadan. N27 (October 1969). Ibadan.

West Africa. L., N1799, 1957.

Zik. The man and his mystique, http://209.85.129.132/search?q-cache:ji76IrDNGAYJ...

²⁴ Awka.

Application

Nnamdi Azikiwe's most famous publications: books, speeches, articles

Liberia in World Politics (1934).

Renascent Africa (1937).

Economic Reconstruction of Nigeria (1943).

Political Blueprint of Nigeria (1943).

Assassination Story: True or False? (1946).

Before Us Lies The Open Grave (1947).

Nigeria in World Politics (1959).

Choose Independence (1960).

More States: A National Challenge (1960).

Respect for Human Dignity (1960).

The Future of Pan-Africanism (1961).

Zik. A Selection from the Speeches of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe (1961).

Tribalism: A Pragmatic Instrument for National Unity (1964).

Essentials for Nigerian Survival (1965).

The Realities of African Unity (1965).

One hundred quotable quotes and poems of the Rt. Hon. Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe (1966).

Origins of the Nigerian Civil War (1969).

I Believe in One Nigeria (1969).

Peace Proposals for Ending the Nigerian Civil War (1969).

My Odyssey: An Autobiography (1971, memoir).

Dialogue on a New Capital for Nigeria (1974).

Creation of More States in Nigeria. A Political Analysis (1974).

Democracy with Military Vigilance (1974).

Reorientation of Nigerian Ideologies: lecture on 9 December 1976, on eve of the launching of the UNN Endowment Fund (1976).

Our Struggle for Freedom (1976).

Onitsha Market Crisis: An Example of Monocracy (1976).

Let Us Forgive Our Children. An appeal to the leaders and people of Onitsha during the market crisis (1976).

Meditations: A Collection of Poems (1977).

Civil War Soliloquies: More Meditations: A Collection of Poems (1977, poetry).

Themes in African Social and Political Thought (1978).

Restoration of Nigerian Democracy (1978).

Matchless Past Performance: My Reply to Ghief Awolowo's Challenge (1979).

A Matter of Conscience (1979).

Ideology for Nigeria: Capitalism, Socialism or Welfarism? (1980).

Breach of Trust by the NPN (1983).

History Will Vindicate The Just (1983).

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