E. B. DEMINTSEVA

Candidate of Historical Sciences Institute of Africa, Russian Academy of Sciences

Africa migration, Keywords: France, Europe, refugees, displaced persons, conflicts, labor migration

In recent years, Europe has been increasingly talking about an increase in the number of African immigrants on its territory, but statistics prove the opposite. Of the 100 sub - Saharan African (SSA) immigrants, only 30 leave the Black Continent directly, and only half of them go to European countries. Is it really possible to talk about mass migration flows from the SSA today? Or is it just a myth created by the mass media?

Currently, there are migrations from SSA countries to non-African countries (primarily to Europe, the United States and Canada), as well as within the continent. It should be noted that external migration is a fairly new phenomenon in Africa, while internal migration has existed for several centuries.

French political scientist K. Witol de Vendin, analyzing migration flows from Africa and between the countries of the continent, notes that the slave trade that existed in this region until the end of the XIX century, then the influence of three Groups (marchands, militaries, missionnaires-merchants, military, missionaries) and colonization predetermined a rather late infusion of these countries into the intercontinental movement of the population: "In fact, mass migration from Black African countries can only be described starting from the period after their independence, i.e. from the 1960s." ¹

It should be noted that the history of the peoples of Africa is the history of migrant peoples whose migrations have influenced the formation of the culture, customs and languages of many regions of the continent (for example, the history of Paddocks* or the emergence of the Swahili language and culture). However, in my opinion, today it is difficult to separate these two phenomena - internal and external migration, because they are largely interrelated, and the historical, socio-economic and political background are similar.

The purpose of this article is to analyze migration flows to European countries and within the continent, as well as to identify the causes of their occurrence and the consequences of these movements for African and host countries. Special attention is paid to African immigrants in France, where in 2010 - 2012 studies were conducted that dealt not only with the causes of emigration, but also with the living conditions and problems of adaptation of Africans in Europe.

CONTINENT OF MIGRATION

"...In Europe, "noted K. Vitol de Vendin," there are about 1 million Africans from Sub-Saharan Africa, of which in France there are 80 thousand Senegalese, 70 thousand Malgashes, 45 thousand. Ivorians, 40 thousand Malians..."². Of course, all these figures are relative, because a large number of Africans enter the territory of European countries illegally, and many of them can stay in Europe for years in an irregular situation. However, external migration is only a small part of all African migrations and is directed primarily to European countries, as well as to the United States and Canada, while internal migration exceeds external migration in quantitative terms (see Figure) and has a long history.

"The history of sub - Saharan Africa is, first of all, the history of migration," writes the French sociologist Jean-Claude Trudeau. Baru in the book "From Africa to France. From one generation to another"³. In his opinion, the first migrations can be attributed to the migration - since the second millennium BC-of North African peoples closer to the rivers of West Africa due to the desertification of the Sahara. In East Africa, such processes include the movement of Bantu peoples to the Great Lakes region - in the Middle Ages

* The Dogoni are a people in southeastern Mali. According to legend, their ancestors came in the X-XII centuries. from the upper Niger, displacing the local population and partially assimilating their culture and languages.

Figure 1. West Africa: internal and external migrations.

Источник: Atlas de l'integration regionale en Afrique de l'Ouest CEDEAO/CSAO.

in the Middle Ages, and the Ethiopian and Nilotic pastoralists - in the XV-XVI centuries. Evidence for these migrations can be found in the legends, for example, of the peoples of West Africa. Among the reasons for relocations, the author cites climate change and the lack of opportunities for land cultivation in dry areas.

This mobility of the African population continued until the arrival of Europeans on the Black Continent in the XV-XVI centuries. Later, during the colonial period, population movements began to be provoked by the new authorities: for example, with the development of port cities, in order to create infrastructure in them and maintain it, Europeans encouraged residents from other parts of the continent to move to these areas. The directions of migration flows during this period were also largely determined by the specifics of agricultural development. The colonial authorities forcibly relocated Sahel residents to Ghana to work on coffee and cocoa plantations, and from Mali and Guinea to peanut - producing areas in Senegal and the Gambia, creating sustained seasonal migrations between these countries. In turn, the development of transport, especially railways, also contributed to the growth of population mobility.

Perhaps, it was in the period after the declaration of independence by African countries that mass intra-continental migrations began. The economic zones formed during the years of colonialism: Ghana-Cote d'Ivoire (cocoa and coffee production), Nigeria (oil production), Senegal (peanut cultivation), etc. - attracted migrants from neighboring countries. At the same time, their flow was almost not controlled. "Census results show that there are 7.5 million migrants in Africa living in a country other than their home country, accounting for 3% of the continent's population," according to a 2006 report by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) ^.4

An important factor in intra-continental migration was also military conflicts, which in the last few decades of the twentieth and early twenty-first centuries provoked massive flows of refugees from some countries and regions to others and affected, first of all, neighboring countries: refugees often travel on foot from dangerous zones to border areas and move to neighboring states. Their territories are often also in conflict zones: for example, Chad and the Central African Republic experienced the consequences of political instability in the Sudan at the beginning of the twenty-first century.

Conflicts often arise due to the destabilization of the situation in the country as a result of presidential elections, as was the case, for example, in Ivory Coast. Thousands of people are forced to leave their countries for fear of reprisals, i.e. elections cause new flows of migrants, primarily to neighboring countries.

According to the French Institute of Demography, " ... in 1999, nine out of ten people from the Republic of the Congo remained in Africa. The same situation was observed in other regions: 96% of Liberians, 93% of Chadians, 88% of Rwandans were displaced to neighboring countries. European countries, in particular France, accept only a small fraction of refugees from Sub-Saharan Africa. Only 2% of 242.4 thousand rubles. Congolese refugees were in France in 1999"⁵. However, intra-continental movements are mainly driven by economic factors: only 13% of migrants in Africa are refugees, ⁶ and their numbers continue to grow.

TRANSIT MIGRATION

Transit migration in Africa is difficult to distinguish from internal or external migration. Many SSA refugees head to North African countries, traveling on foot or by truck, before reaching Europe by sea. When setting out, most of them are not sure that they will be able to reach the final destination of their route. Some of them settle in the Maghreb countries: some do not have enough funds and opportunities to continue their journey to Europe, while others find work in North Africa.

To date, it is difficult to say whether the Maghreb countries can be called transit countries or a settling zone for migrants from sub-Saharan Africa.

Close relations between these two regions have existed for centuries: the Sahara was crossed by trade caravans that paved the way between these parts of the continent. They traded in gold, cloth, salt, leather, and slaves. With the arrival of the colonialists, the volume of trade flows began to decrease, and as a result, the scale of population migrations across the desert in both directions narrowed, and sea trade routes began to be laid out more actively. In turn, the emergence of industrial and agricultural enclaves, such as coffee and cocoa plantations in Ghana and Ivory Coast, has led to increased South-South migration.

While trans-Saharan migration was negligible throughout most of the twentieth century, by the end of the century it was moving across the desert again. In the 1990s, the "new emigrants" from sub-Saharan Africa were impoverished peasants and urbanites who sought work in the north. The development of the oil sector in Libya and Algeria has attracted immigrants from West Africa and Sudan. At the end of the 20th century, Libya ranked 1st in the region in terms of the number of immigrants from Sub-Saharan Africa who settled here.

However, in recent decades, North Africa has been increasingly referred to as a transit area for SSA Africans, although accurate data on the scale of flows and the number of people who have crossed into Europe are not available, partly because many migrants cross the desert illegally.

Who are these "transit migrants"? How many are there? We can say that this is a complex and constantly changing phenomenon. The research conducted and the interviews received by the author indicate that most of them are not the poorest segments of the population. As a rule, these are young men who have the means to carry out a complex, costly and physically exhausting journey. Many of them have secondary education, and only a few are illiterate.⁷

Often, however, migrants leave for Europe without enough money to cover the entire journey, and after crossing the desert, they stay for several months or even years in North African countries to earn money for the rest of the journey. It should be noted, however, that the "Arab revolutions" observed in the region in recent years and the overthrow of ruling regimes (for example, in Libya) are forcing many to leave this part of the continent.

EXTERNAL MIGRATION

There are two main factors influencing external migration from Africa.

First, Africa is the "youngest" continent: the average age of Africans (SSA) in the 2000s was 17.5 years; 44% of Africans were under 15 and only 5% were over 60.

Secondly, it should be noted that urbanization is developing rapidly. Whereas in the 1950s only 13% of Africa's population was urban, by the end of the twentieth century more than a third of the continent's population was urban.⁸ Urban growth is explained both by factors of development of cities themselves (reduction of mortality, etc.), and by the expansion of migration from rural areas to cities.

In addition to young people, African immigration is also represented by the elite and middle class - those who have higher education diplomas and are highly qualified specialists. In recent years, large groups of educated young people have joined the ranks of African immigration in Europe, coming, unlike emigrants of half a century ago, not for temporary earnings, but in search of a qualitatively new life.

We can also talk about the "brain drain" from some African countries (for example, more Malawian doctors live in Manchester than in their homeland), as well as the reluctance of African students to return home after several years of studying at Western universities. According to K. Witol de Wenden, about 30% of Ghanaians and Sierra Leoneans with a high level of education live abroad.¹⁰ Official statistics cannot provide an exact number of educated Africans living outside the continent, in part because some of them have citizenship of the country in which they studied at the time of their employment.

Studies show that young people who come to study in France stay in this country for a longer period of time.

for two reasons. First of all, life circumstances. Even if someone planned to return to their homeland, a few years abroad change their outlook on life. Many people have families, children, a circle of friends, and when they finish their studies, it turns out that there are a lot of things that keep them in France.

Another important reason for not returning is the unwillingness to be in "a country where they have no prospects". The instability of political regimes in African countries, the difficult economic situation that deprives young professionals of the hope of getting a good job, force them to refuse to return to their homeland. Many people agree to lower their social status in order to stay in a country where they have social security and prospects of getting a job, maybe not always in their specialty, but in a job that will provide for their family.

For many Africans who do not have diplomas and have come to Europe to work, emigration is the only way to support their families back home. For example, a large number of Senegalese families have been living off funds sent by relatives working in France for the past 50 years. The Soninke* pioneered African emigration to this European country and established informal immigrant networks in large industrial cities to help their fellow countrymen find work.¹¹

Although migration flows from SSA countries to Europe are increasing every year, overall migration remains insignificant: while in the mid-1990s, Africans accounted for 6% of all foreigners, in the 2000s they accounted for only 4%^.12

In the 1990s, a study was conducted to study migrant flows and their impact on urbanization processes in West Africa. It showed that the ratio of the number of migrants heading to Europe and internal - within the borders of the continent, is, respectively, 22 thousand and 258 thousand. In addition, the movement to Europe is compensated by the return flows, which numbered thousands of people. That is, one in three emigrants returned to their homeland. ¹³ Even in countries such as Spain and Italy, which in recent years, due to their geographical location, have become the main "points" of reception and transit for African refugees, the latter account for only 10% of all immigrants in these States.

AFRICANS IN FRANCE: THE 21st CENTURY

To find out whether we can talk about mass migrations from sub-Saharan Africa today, let's turn to statistical data. As an example, let's take France, which has both a colonial history and close political, economic and cultural ties with African states in the post-colonial period.

We can only speak about the mass flow of immigrants from the SSA to France since the 1980s: unlike, for example, Maghrebians who came to the country in the 1960s and 1970s at the invitation of the French authorities to work in factories, Africans from Black Africa did not enjoy such privileges. It was only through the informal immigrant networks they created that they - mostly men - were able to find work in France.

However, in the 1970s, the situation began to change somewhat: the migration flow of Africans to France began to grow. This was primarily due to the 1974-1975 drought in the countries located on the southern border of the Sahara (Senegal, Niger, Mali, and Upper Volta), which killed thousands of people and forced many to go to work in France. Moreover, for many families there was no alternative, since only the emigration of at least one of the family members could save them from starvation. In the early 1970s, about 65,000 immigrants from Black Africa settled in France.¹⁴

Secondly, the signing in 1973 of the treaty between France and three African countries-Mauritania, Senegal and Mali-which regulated movement between the former colonies and the mother country and ended the free entry of Africans into France, led to an increase in the number of illegal immigrants, who also found themselves dependent on their employers, because only they could legalize their stay in the country.

The abolition of free movement between countries has extended the length of stay of African migrants in France. Having no freedom of movement between countries and often being in an illegal situation, they could not leave the country, which meant losing their jobs and not being able to return to France. Therefore, they preferred to stay in France even without a residence permit or visa. Thus, temporary immigration became permanent, or the length of stay in the country was extended. In addition, migration became family-based: wives increasingly came to visit their husbands, and immi-

* The Soninke are a people living in West Africa, mainly in Mali, along the border with Mauritania between the cities of Nara and Nioro, as well as in Senegal and Mauritania.

grantees who received citizenship invited their relatives. Due to these circumstances, the number of immigrants from Sub-Saharan Africa has increased dramatically since the early 1980s.

If in 1974 the total number of Maliki, Mauritanian and Senegalese women in France reached 4.5 thousand people (14% of all immigrants from these countries)¹⁵, in 1982, they accounted for 19% of the total number of arrivals from this region of Africa, and in 1990 and 1999 - 32 and 38%, respectively. Most of them were women aged 15 to 34 (the average age of men was 35 to 54), each of whom had several children born in France.¹⁶ At the same time, there were still many single men who came, as before, to work for a short time and lived in dormitories.

Currently, according to the World Bank17, 70% of immigrants are domestic and 30% are foreign (¹⁵% to Europe, 6% to North America, 9% to other continents). According to the French Institute for National Statistics and Economic Research, 8.4% of French residents were immigrants in 2008. Immigrants from this group (children of immigrants and those who obtained citizenship) accounted for 11% of the total population of the country, including overseas Territories, and half of them were between the ages of 18 and 50 ^.18 In the same year, every second immigrant was a woman (in 1968 - 44%). 43% are from Africa, mainly from the Maghreb countries and former French colonies.

Despite the growing number of immigrants from SSA, Africans from this region have always been in the minority among immigrants living in France. In 1962, there were only 20 thousand of them - 100 times less than those who arrived from European countries, and 20 times less than Maghrebians. They accounted for less than 1% of all immigrants (0.7%). Today, immigrants from Black Africa in France are 3 times less than Maghrebians or Europeans, and they are ahead in number only of immigrants from America-Oceania. In 2004. they numbered about 570 thousand people and ranked second in number among all immigrants living in France (11.6%). They mostly come from former French colonies in Africa.¹⁹

French demographers, while pointing out the small number of SSA immigrants in their country, still note that they do not have data on the number of Africans who have entered France illegally. However, they conclude that it is still possible to speak of them as a minority among immigrants in France.²⁰

It should be noted that the stereotypes that exist in European society regarding immigrants from Black Africa are considered by many scholars to be "artificially imposed in the course of political and mass media discussions, representing Africa and its population as more marginal than it really is"²¹.

* * *

In France, the idea of a "poor" African continent that poses a danger to Europe is still alive: the" right", popular among some of the French, frighten with the invasion of hungry hordes of Africans.

Television reports on the Parisian suburbs, which have focused on African youth for decades, and newspapers full of high-profile scandals related to polygamy and drug trafficking, have singled out this group of immigrants as "dangerous" and requiring close supervision by the authorities. And while scientists are now talking about changing the profile of immigration from sub-Saharan Africa, mainly represented by educated young people, the French media prefer, in the hope of a new intriguing story with an ethnographic twist, to maintain the image of a dangerous poor immigrant living next door.

^{Wenden de Wihtol p} 1 La globalization humaine. P., PUF, 2009, p. 123.

² Ibid., p. 126.

³ De l'Afrique a la France. D'une generation al'autre. P.. 2011. p. 15.

⁴ Atlas de l'intcgration Regionalc en Afrique de l'Ouest. Serie population. CEDE-AO-CSAO/OCDE. 2006, p. 10.

⁵ Les migrations d'Afriquc subsaharienne en Europe: un essor encore limite // Population&Societe, INED N 452, Janvier 2009, p. 3.

⁶ De l'Afrique a la France.., p. 18.

⁷ Atlas de l'integration Regionale en Afrique de l'Oues...

⁸ Ibidem.

^{Dayton-Johnson J., Katseli L.T.} 9 Migrat-ion, aide et commerce: plus de coherence en faveur du developpement // Cahier de politique economique. OCDE, 2006, N 28.

^{Wenden de Wihtol C.} 10 Op. cit., p. 127.

^{Quiminal C.} 11 Gens d'ici, gens d'ailleurs: migrations soninke et transformations villageoises. P., 1991.

^{Docquier F., Marfouk A.} 12 International migration by educational attainment (1990 - 2000) // International Migration. Remittances and Development. N.Y., 2006.

^{Bocquier Ph.} 13 L'immigration ouest-africaine en Europe: une dimension politique sans rapport avec son importance demographique // La chronique du CEPED, juillet-septembre 1998, N 30.

^{Munchuelle F.} 14 Les diaspores des travailleurs Soninke (1848 - 1960) // Migration volontaires. P., 2004.

^{Poiret Ch.} 15 Families africaines en France. Ethnicisation, segregation et communalization. P., 1996, p. 67.

^{Gubert F.} 16 (In)coherence des politiques migratoires et de codeveloppement franchises. Illustrations maliennes // Politique africaine. 2008, N 109, p. 42 - 55.

¹⁷ Cit. по: Lessault D., Beauchemin N. Ni invasion, ni exode. Regards statistiques sur les migrations d'Afrique subsaharienne // Revue europeenne des migrations internationales. Vol. 25, 2009, N 1.

¹⁸ http://www.insee.fr/fr/themes/docu-ment.asp?reg_id=0&ref_id=T12F037

^{Lessault D., Beauchemin C.} 19 Op. cit., p. 166.

²⁰ Ibid., p. 176.

²¹ Ibid., p. 187.

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