On November 21, 2012, the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences (Moscow) hosted the international scientific conference "Aggravation of the Struggle for Resources in Asia and Africa at the beginning of the XXI century".

The conference was attended by more than 40 researchers from the Russian Federation and other CIS countries. 23 people made presentations.

Opening the conference, Deputy Director of the Institute of Information Technology of the Russian Academy of Sciences V. Ya. Belokrenshchky noted that the topic of the conference is extremely relevant and needs a serious and comprehensive analysis. Therefore, we should strongly welcome the initiative of the organizers of the conference dedicated to such an important and burning issue.

A. M. Khazanov (IB RAS) said in his opening speech::

"An unprecedented fierce struggle for resources is the axis around which all modern world politics revolves. In fact, there is now a new redistribution of world resources between the main players on the world stage. The prospect of a decline in global oil and gas reserves amid growing demand for energy resources in developed and large developing countries has intensified the concrete struggle for access to hydrocarbons and their delivery routes to the world market. The energy factor has a significant impact on the geopolitical picture of the modern world. It determines the geopolitics of the world's leading powers and plays an important role in integration processes. The need for energy and the desire to satisfy it determine the content of many processes taking place in the modern world.

The aim of the conference is to take a comprehensive look at all aspects of the current resource struggle in Asia and Africa. This means not only energy, but also all types of world resources."

A. B. Podtserob (IB RAS) in his report "The problem of water supply in the Arab countries" emphasized that water supply is particularly acute in the regions of the Middle East, most of which are occupied by deserts. Whereas in 1960 these territories accounted for 3.3 thousand cubic meters of water consumed per capita per year, now 1.3 thousand cubic meters of water supply leads to a decrease in agricultural production, and this encourages Arab countries to increase food imports. The most drastic steps to address this issue were taken in Libya. By 1984, 6 dams had been constructed in the country to create a reservoir with a capacity of 387 million cubic meters. m and 3 thousand artesian wells were drilled.

Because of the distribution of water resources, hotbeds of contradictions and conflicts are formed between Egypt, Sudan, South Sudan, Ethiopia, Uganda, Tanzania, Kenya, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Rwanda, Burundi, as well as between Egypt and Libya, between Turkey, Syria and Iraq; between Syria, Lebanon, the West Bank and Israel.

B. G. Koibayev (Vladikavkaz) in his report "The Caspian region at the beginning of the XXI century: a new stage of Russian-American competition for energy resources" analyzed the struggle of influential world players for access to new hydrocarbon deposits and for the redevelopment of old ones. According to the speaker, the events that followed the launch of the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan (BTC) gas pipeline opened a new page in the history of the struggle for Caspian hydrocarbons. The world has witnessed a rapid acceleration in the pace of Russian-American rivalry in the Caspian basin. The gas front became the arena of confrontation, and the routes of gas pipelines became the subject of rivalry. The struggle has developed between the Russian project "South Stream" and the Western project "Nabucco". If at the turn of the XX-XXI centuries, the Russian Federation did not oppose anything to BTC, then in the conditions of the "gas war", the alternative was "South Stream".

The speaker noted that in the conditions of intense competition, Russia made an attempt to seize the initiative and decide the fate of the energy transport race in its favor. In August 2007, at the summit of SCO heads, at the suggestion of the Russian Federation, it was decided to create an energy club to coordinate energy projects in the interests of the organization's members - Russia, China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan, which will complicate the promotion of the ambitious American project "Greater Central Asia".

A.V. Sud'in (IB RAS) in his report "Oil and gas export routes from the Caspian region and Central Asia" has subjected the issue of oil and gas pipelines in the Caspian basin to a comprehensive and in-depth analysis. He noted that the rapid increase in oil and gas production in Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan required an equally radical increase in the capacity of pipeline systems that provided for the export of hydrocarbons from these countries. Azerbaijan has become a pioneer in this field. Back in 1994, it was decided to build the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan oil pipeline, which was put into operation in 2006. However, the volume of Azerbaijani oil produced and transported through this pipeline was rapidly declining. In this regard, the question arises: "Was it worth building this very expensive oil pipeline if there is nothing to fill it with?". According to the speaker, this fully applies to another ambitious project-the South Caucasus gas pipeline (Baku-Tbilisi-Erzurum), launched in 2007, which will later become part of the Nabucco gas pipeline connecting the Caspian gas markets.

deposits with Europe. Nabucco's design capacity is 31 million cubic meters of gas per year. According to the speaker, even if the most optimistic forecasts come true, Azerbaijan will not be able to fill the gas pipeline even by half.

The construction of the Tengiz Novosibirsk oil pipeline is an undoubted success of the Russian Federation in competing for the transit of energy carriers from Central Asian countries.

The speaker expressed doubts about the reality and validity of the project to create an "energy corridor" from Central Asia to Europe through Azerbaijan, Georgia and Turkey, the most important links of which should be the Nabucco gas pipeline and the BTC oil pipeline. According to the speaker, the economic and technical arguments in favor of creating such a route are very unconvincing. But there are also geopolitical arguments. Western European leaders have repeatedly stated their intention to reduce their countries ' dependence on Russian oil and especially on Russian gas. The United States actively supports them in this regard. Projects to create an "energy corridor" bypassing the Russian Federation have received official support from the EU leadership.

The Russian side, represented by representatives of Gazprom and Transneft, has repeatedly expressed doubts about the economic and technical feasibility of building new oil and gas pipelines bypassing the Russian Federation. Nevertheless, these projects will be implemented primarily for geopolitical reasons. In this regard, the speaker noted that it may make sense to use these anti-Russian projects in the interests of the Russian Federation - as alternative ways to export Russian energy carriers.

N. K. Semenova (Institute of Economics of the Russian Academy of Sciences) analyzed China's investment policy in Central Asia in her report "China's participation in energy projects in the Central Asian region". It concluded that this policy is systemic, large-scale and long-term in nature, pursuing both current commercial and strategic goals. The total volume of investments in Central Asian countries amounted to about $ 17 billion in 2011. The main priority for China in Central Asia is Kazakhstan. This country accounts for 80% of the trade turnover between China and Central Asia. The largest area of Chinese investment is the oil and gas industry.

According to N. K. Semenova, the increasing import of raw materials (oil and gas) from Central Asia to the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region (PRC) will provide certain energy guarantees to ensure the long-term development of the region's economy. In the last three years alone, oil imports to China via the Atasu-Alashankou pipeline accounted for 12% of China's annual oil imports.

In conclusion, it was noted that China's concessional financing and investment in Central Asia most often passes through the SCO financial structures. By establishing bilateral ties with its SCO partners, resolving strategic issues, and linking Central Asian countries with transport and energy projects, China is strengthening its position within the SCO.

G. L. Ghukasyan (IB RAS) in his report "The struggle for GCC resources" analyzed the intense rivalry of many oil-importing countries in the Persian Gulf region. He noted that for the United States and Europe, oil supplies from this region remain very important. China, India and Turkey are also actively pursuing economic policies in the Persian Gulf region. China maintains friendly relations with the GCC member countries, develops cooperation with them in political, trade, economic, energy and other fields, as a result of which the organization's countries have become one of the most important partners of the PRC in the field of energy and trade. China encourages its enterprises to invest in the Arab economies and welcomes investors from these countries.

Russia's trade turnover with the Gulf countries is increasing. Russia's trade turnover with Saudi Arabia in 1998 was $ 125 million, in 2006 - $ 250 million, in 2007 - $ 430 million. The trade turnover between Russia and the UAE in 2009 amounted to $ 727 million, and in 2010 - $ 1049 million.

According to the speaker, the GCC economies passed the stage of the global financial and economic crisis of 2008-2009 relatively easily, remaining financially stable. The implementation of large-scale projects for the construction of industrial and commercial infrastructure in the GCC countries will certainly become a new driving force for the economic development of the region and an area of interest for foreign investors. The GCC will be of interest in promoting the economic interests of the Russian Federation in the region.

E. N. Korendyasov (Institute of Africa of the Russian Academy of Sciences) analyzed the competitive struggle of developed countries for mineral resources in his report "New Frontiers of Africa in the mineral raw material markets".

Africa. In a number of positions, the continent's share exceeds 60-70% of the world's resources: up to 80% for gold, diamonds and chromium, 60% for cobalt, 61% for manganese, and 90% for platinum. Investments in geological exploration are growing every year. In 2000. they amounted to $ 293 million, $ 807 million in 2005, and $ 1.9 billion in 2008. In total, mining companies invested $ 6.5 billion in exploration from 2000 to 2009 (excluding oil and gas). In recent years, about 500 new ("junior") geological exploration companies from various countries have appeared in Africa.

Two countries - South Africa and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) - occupy a unique position. The DRC accounts for 50% of the world's cobalt, 10% of copper, and 30% of diamonds. South Africa accounts for 39% of the world's chromite production, 38% of ferrochrome, 33% of zirconium, 32% of vanadium, 22% of rutile, and 19% of manganese.

Such monopolization, according to the speaker, generates contradictory consequences. On the one hand, it strengthens the role and positions of producing countries in their respective markets in negotiations with foreign investors. But, on the other hand, with such a dependence of these countries on the production and export of a limited range of goods, they are forced to make significant concessions. In addition, this situation contributes to corruption, i.e. pushes investors to use non-transparent methods of competition.

Exports of raw materials from Africa before the 2008 crisis exceeded $ 400 billion. However, oil and gas accounted for 86% of exports (by value). In terms of mining exports, South Africa ranks first in Africa - $ 21.5 billion. (4.1% of world trade in these products). Chinese companies are very active.

N. N. Tsvetkova (IB RAS) in her report "Raw Materials curse"and the countries of Tropical Africa" considered the continent's raw materials problem on the example of the DRC, the Republic of Congo, the Republic of Guinea-Bissau and the Republic of Cape Verde. The DRC's economy depends on mineral exports. In 2006, its exports comprised 81.7% of mineral raw materials, including 37.8% of diamonds, 16.8% of ferrous metal ores, 13.1% of oil, 9.1% of copper, and 5% of other non-ferrous metals.

The Republic of Congo is also rich in raw materials. In 2008, oil accounted for 92% of the country's exports - 85% of state revenues, 65% of GDP. It is produced mainly by the French company Total. In 2005, 42.3% of the population was below the poverty level, while 54.1% of the population lived on less than $ 1.25 per day.

According to the speaker, a chain of "raw curse" can be traced in the destinies of the two countries rich in natural resources: raw material wealth - monocultural nature of exports appropriation of income from the export of raw materials by the ruling elite-corruption - impoverishment of the majority of the population-growth of social tension-mass unrest civil wars with the intervention of"envious neighbors".

Two West African countries - Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde-had no proven mineral resources until recently. The "raw materials curse" can also be traced here: corruption poverty of the majority of the population - civil wars political instability (only "without raw materials"). However, bauxite deposits have recently been discovered in Guinea-Bissau. In 2012, their development began in Madina-Boe. Cape Verde has no significant mineral resources. The conditions for agricultural development are very unfavorable, the country suffers from drought, sandstorms come from the continent, and there is no rain for years. Water is brought to the capital city of Praia in tanks from wells in the mountains or from seawater desalination plants. In the last 10 years, the country has relied on such competitive advantages as a warm ocean, sandy beaches, and began to develop tourism. Significant investments are directed to the construction of hotels. In 2011, the number of tourists visiting Cape Verde reached 500 thousand, equaling the population.

The speaker's conclusion: the "raw materials curse" is not predetermined, getting rid of it depends on a subjective factor, state economic policy, and the political will of the ruling elite. The key question, then, is how to use the proceeds from raw material exports and for what purposes. The use of income from the export of raw materials in order to diversify the national economy, export, and modernize the economy is becoming an imperative today.

M. G. Obraztsova (Institute of Africa) in her report "Russia-South Africa: on the way to mutually beneficial partnership" reviewed the history, current state and prospects of trade and economic cooperation between the Russian Federation and South Africa. It was noted that after 1994, when the apartheid system collapsed and the international boycott on trade with South Africa was lifted, there was hope for the development of bilateral relations. However, this did not happen. The South African market was busy

South Africa's traditional partners are European states, as well as the United States. In recent years, there have been some changes in the current trend. The trade turnover between the two countries exceeded $ 500 million for the first time in 2010. In 2012, it amounted to almost $ 700 million. According to the speaker, it is in the interests of both sides to fully develop investment, scientific, technical and technological cooperation in the mining industry, as well as to reach mutually beneficial agreements on behavior in world markets. Unfortunately, this cooperation is developing slowly. The partners don't know each other well, and the inertia of the Cold War is still strong. The speaker believes that the success of Russian investors will be largely determined by their knowledge of all the nuances of doing business in South Africa, including knowledge of its legislation and the right choice of partners.

Obviously, the United States and the EU will hinder the expansion of cooperation between the Russian Federation and South Africa. For joining forces in the economic sphere will also lead to political rapprochement, and this will strengthen the positions of both countries as active players in the international arena.

Ya. O. Zakhariev (Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences) in his report "The Chinese community of Southeast Asia in the context of the escalating struggle for resources in the region" considered the problem of resource allocation between national elites and the Chinese community of these countries. At the beginning of the XXI century, the Chinese community of Southeast Asia in each state of the region has to take into account certain specifics of the attitude of national elites and non-ethnic minorities living in the Southeast Asian countries to its activities. Chinese capital is widely represented in the economies of Southeast Asian countries, primarily in banking, intermediary operations, tourism, and less often in industry, which is specific to each state in the region.

Thus, the Chinese community of Vietnam (Vietnam), which is locally settled in the northern border areas of the republic, in the areas of Hue (Xue-Central Vietnam) and Ho Chi Minh City (South Vietnam), depends on the conflict between Vietnam and China in the South China Sea. From 2000 to 2009, the People's Republic of China claimed disputed territories of islands and water areas rich in minerals - oil and gas on the shelf, food and other resources (natural pearls, coral reefs). China's attempts to strengthen its position at sea from 2000 to 2009 were accompanied by massive anti-Chinese demonstrations in all areas of the Chinese population of Vietnam, which caused social tension, was reflected in the media of both republics (including media published by the Chinese community of Vietnam both in the territory of Vietnam and in China) and other Southeast Asian countries.

A special role of the Chinese community can be traced in Singapore, where it is, in fact, the titular nation - 76.8%. Thanks to the balanced course of the government, other ethnic groups are also actively integrated into the life of the country. Successful multicultural interaction of the Chinese community with other national elites (primarily Malays, Tamils, Bengalis, and Punjabis) helped strengthen the position of the Chinese population and ensured conflict-free relations in the country's society.

The opposite situation was observed in Malaysia, where the government actively applied measures to combat the growing influence of the Chinese population (which amounted to 26% by the end of 2009), at the legislative level it did not allow Chinese people to take up positions in the state apparatus, as well as in a number of areas (including the military), closed Chinese schools and training centers. The country's media actively showed "the development of the Malay economy by Malays, removing Chinese capital from strategic industries." The Chinese community responded to these measures with "formal assimilation" - the perception of the customs and traditions of the Malays, which allowed it to maintain its internal foundations and helped the parties of the Chinese community to gain greater representation in municipalities, districts and government bodies.

In the early 2000s, massive anti-Chinese protests spread to the Indonesian population.Here, hatred of the Chinese minority (the community makes up, according to various sources, from 4 to 5% of the country's population), which dominates the economy, developed into mass pogroms of Chinese shops, enterprises, and banks. There were also frequent cases of murders on a national basis. However, the outflow of the Chinese population from the troubled areas was also accompanied by the withdrawal of capital to other countries (primarily Singapore and Hong Kong). This led to a decrease in the standard of living in the regions of Indonesia, a shortfall in tax revenues for the treasury, and an increase in unemployment for other national groups that worked for the Chinese. In turn, the Chinese

businessmen who left Indonesia needed new resource bases for development. After the situation in the problem areas returned to relative normality, the Chinese returned, continuing their business and modifying it depending on fluctuations in supply and demand for any goods and services.

Myanmar's Chinese community (3% of the population) actively invests in the country's extractive industry. However, the national elite and the army were extremely concerned about the strengthening of the Chinese factor. Anti-Chinese sentiments did not result in serious inter-ethnic clashes, but relations worsened. Many attribute the liberalization of Myanmar's policy to the desire to diversify dialogue partners, thereby weakening both the influence of the PRC (external) and the strength of the country's Chinese community (internal).

In Laos, the Chinese community (5% of the country's population) has a strong position thanks to the PRC's assistance: loans, subsidies, million-dollar construction projects in the capital of the Lao PDR, the presence of Chinese media, and special contracts for growing agricultural products for the PRC in the northern provinces of Laos. Dissatisfaction with the strengthening of Chinese positions in the country is expressed by Vietnam and Thailand, which have their own interests in other regions of the DPRK.

The speaker concluded: "The Chinese community of Southeast Asian countries is an important force, widely represented in the economic, political, social and cultural spheres of the region's states. Thanks to the strong external support of the People's Republic of China, the Chinese community of Southeast Asia in the struggle for resources receives a number of benefits for business development, taking into account the specifics of the economies of Southeast Asian countries. The main financial capital flows of the Chinese community traditionally pass through Hong Kong (PRC) and Singapore, depending on the specifics of taxation of a particular business sector of business."

Summing up the conference, A. M. Khazanov noted that its work was fruitful and useful. Important trends in modern international life were identified. The intensification of the struggle for the possession of new resources and the redistribution of old sources of resources in Asia and Africa have become the axis of world politics in the XXI century. Undoubtedly, this trend will continue to grow.

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