The value of ancient coins as historical sources is determined by the fact that they are simultaneously artistic, written and material monuments. Ancient coins were strictly standardized objects where innovations and achievements in the field of mining, metallurgy, technology, and metrology were concentrated. The production of ancient coins has always been subject to increased requirements: the best carvers were invited to make stamps, the composition of the alloy, weight and size of coins were controlled, i.e. the concept of the ancients about the coin consisted of three signs: a good-quality metal, a certain appearance and a set weight. Moreover, the quality of the metal served as a guarantee of the coin's authenticity and its ability to perform the functions of a measure of value, a means of circulation and the accumulation of treasures. Despite the fact that the interest in studying the composition of ancient coins existed in numismatic science for quite a long time, but only now, with the advent of modern analytical non-destructive high-speed methods and computer software, researchers were able to conduct mass analyses of the composition of coins, providing statistical representativeness of the data obtained. Now we can say that information about the composition of coin alloys should be taken into account in numismatic studies along with traditional metrological data, typological, stamp analysis, etc.

The study of the composition of ancient coins is of great importance for studying the history of metallurgy, since unlike other ancient metal products, coins are independently dated material, which allows us to determine where and when a particular metal or alloy was first used. Brass, i.e. an alloy of copper and zinc, began to be used in coinage quite late, and the question of the beginning of its use is closely related to the broader problem of the reasons and timing of the introduction of qualitatively different copper-based alloys into coinage.

The material for studying coin metals used in ancient times was the results of the authors ' analysis of coins from the numismatic collections of the State Hermitage Museum, as well as the State Historical and Kerch Historical and Archaeological Museums, and we sincerely thank the curators of the collections N. A. Frolova, A. L. Zholtikova and the museum management for the opportunity to make measurements. The analyses were performed in two ways:

* The article was written in the framework of the project "Nature and Society of the ancient Black Sea region", supported by the Russian Foundation for Basic Research. Project code N 99-06-80397a.

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independent analytical methods: X-ray fluorescence spectroscopy (XFS) and coin conductivity measurement (IP). The RFS method is well established for numismatic research, but so far mainly abroad(1) along with another non-destructive method, neutron activation analysis(2). For the first time in the world numismatic practice, the IP method was proposed for the study of ancient coins. Both methods of analysis are absolutely non-destructive, fast and complementary and allow analyzing not only the surface layer (RFS), but also the coin core (IP) and collectively estimating the percentage of the main components of coin alloys. The difference between this work and the previous ones is that the efficiency of the methods, the portability of the equipment, and the speed of measurement make it possible for the first time to conduct a mass study of coins from large museum collections, creating a database on the composition of coin alloys of certain types, which is important both for scientific research and for museum work on coin storage.

During 1995-1997, about 13 thousand coins from the main collection of the Hermitage were examined, which belong to the coinage of the Greek states of the Northern, Western and Southern Black Sea regions, some regions of Asia Minor, Egypt and North Africa. One of the most important research areas was to find out the time, reasons and nature of the introduction of new materials - brass and "pure" copper-into ancient coinage, along with the widely used bronze. This phenomenon in the coin industry should probably be associated with a certain stage in the gradual development and change of the function and character of ancient coins from full-fledged money to signs of conditional value.

Until the end of the 60s of our century, the opinion held that the earliest use of brass refers to the post-reform coinage of August 23 BC, when coins were issued from two different alloys: assy - from more or less "pure" copper and sestertium and dupondia-from brass. These facts were recorded by E. R. Kelly(3). However, at the beginning of the century, analyses of brass coins dating back to a time earlier than the Augustan era were published. These are coins of Roman proconsuls in Asia Minor, dating back to 45, 32 and 31 BC.(4) Some late Republican coins of Julius Caesar (5), which can be interpreted as experimental issues from Aurichalk, date back to the second half of the first century BC. Studies of the composition of coins conducted in the laboratory of the British Museum in the 70s gave new results for studying the history of brass use and showed that brass was used in the mint industry. minting at least half a century earlier than previously thought, already in the 80s and 70s BC, P. T. Craddock and his collaborators were able to determine that the earliest brass coins were minted in the Asia Minor regions - in Phrygia and Bithynia, as well as in the Pontic kingdom of Mithridates VI(6). This conclusion is based on the analysis of 83 Hellenistic coins of the IV-I centuries BC belonging to the coinage of Syria, Macedonia, Rome, Mysia, Phrygia, Pontus, Bithynia, and Iberia.

(1) Stos-Gale Z. X-Ray Fluorescence and Lead Isotope Analysis // Scientific Techniques in Numismatics. A Syrvey of Numismatic Research 1978-1984. Special Publication N 9. L., 1986. P. 978-1021; Carlo Bui, Calliari Irene, Millazzo М., Martini R., Vismara N. Sigloi, monetazione licia: evidenze critiche della analisi X.R.F. // Proceedings of the XIth International Numismatic Congress in Brussels, September 8th-13th 1991. Louvain-la-Neuve, 1993. P. 229-235; Hawkens S.C., Merrick J.М., Metcalf D.M. X-ray Fluoriscent Analysis of Some Dark Age Coins and Jewellery // Archaeometry. 1966. 9. P. 98-138.

(2) Gordus A.A. Quantitative Non-Destructive Neutron Activation Analysis of Silver in Coins // Archaeometry. 1967. Ю. P. 76-87; Beuchesne F., Barrandon J.N., Alves L., Gil В., Guerra M.F. Ion beam Analysis of Copper and Copper Alloy Coins // Archaeometry. 1988. 30. P. 187-197.

(3) Galley E.R. Orichalcum and Related Ancient Alloys. N.Y., 1964. P. 45-68.

(4) Bahrfeldt М. Die Munzen der Flottenprafekten des Marcus Antonius // NZ. 1905. 37. S. 42.

(5) Crawford M.N. Roman Republican Coinage. V. II. L., 1974. P. 11.

(6) Craddock P.T? Burnett A.M., Preston К. Hellenistic Copper-base Coinage and the Origin of Brass // Scientific Studies in Numismatics / Ed. W.A. Oddy (British Museum Occasional Paper N 18). L., 1980. P. 53-64; Craddock P.T. Aspects of Ancient Mining and Metallurgy. L., 1988.

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Ancient sources and the results of modern research unanimously indicate that brass in ancient times was quite a rare alloy. The work of P. T. Craddock (7) contains a detailed critical analysis of all available analytical research results, from which it follows that a lot of evidence about the use of brass for the manufacture of things of the Bronze Age and pre-Hellenistic "time" turns out to be untenable when checked. The earliest systematic use of brass in ancient times is reliably recorded only for Phrygia. Known Phrygian brass fibula from the excavations of the city of Gordion in the form of a handle of geometric style, dating back to the VIII-VII centuries BC. e., the alloy of which contains about 10% zinc (8). Some other Asia Minor wares dating from the Hellenistic period have the same composition. The earliest use of brass in Etruscan products probably dates back to the fifth century BC(9).

In Greece, until the late Hellenistic period, brass was very rarely used, but in literary sources from the 7th century BC there is evidence of oreichalkos (i.e., "mountain copper" or brass), which is significantly different from chalkos (i.e., ordinary bronze or copper).(10). This alloy, despite certain difficulties in obtaining it, has found a special application in the art and weapons craft, in jewelry and coin making, due to its characteristic golden bright color and radiance, similar to gold. In the works devoted to the origin and early use of brass, E. R. Kelly (11) and P. Craddock (12) give the following excerpts from ancient works, where there is a mention of a new alloy. Already in the most ancient work-a poem by an anonymous author (possibly a Boeotian follower of Hesiod), which is called "The Shield of Hercules", in lines 121-122 it says: "So he said, and laid at his feet a suit of armor - leg armor made of glittering aurichalcum, a wonderful gift from Hephaestus." A little later, Aurichalcum is mentioned in one of the Homeric hymns to Aphrodite.:

... And Ora in golden tiaras,

Joyfully meeting the goddess, they dressed her with incorruptible clothing:

Her eternal head was crowned with a finely crafted one,

A wonderfully beautiful golden crown and ear punctures

Earrings made of gold medi and valuable gold adele(13).

In this passage, the translator used the word "golden copper" to refer to the term Oreichalkos.

Plato (Crit. 114e; 1160, d; 119c-d), speaking of the walls surrounding Atlantis, says that they were covered with bronze, but "the walls around the acropolis itself were of aurichalcum, which created a fiery radiance." He also tells us that the interior of the main temple of Poseidon was made of ivory, alternating with gold, silver,and aurichalcum.

In Pseudo-Aristotle's On Extraordinary Things, there are two important passages that seem to relate to brass: "The bronze of the Indians is so bright, pure, and absolutely not subject to corrosion that it is indistinguishable from gold, and among the bowls of Darius there are many that can be distinguished from gold only by their appearance.

(7) Craddock P.T. The Composition of the Copper Alloys used by the Greek, Etruscan and Roman Civilisations. 3. The Origins and Early Use of Brass // Journal of Archaeological Science. 1978. 5. P. 1-16.

(8) Ibid. P. 3 f.

(9) Ibid. P. 4.

(10) Ibid. P. 6.

(11) Galley. Op. cit. P. 18-30.

(12) Craddock. The Composition... 3. P. 6.

(13) Ancient hymns / Compilation and general revision of A. A. Takho-Godi, Moscow, 1988. Hymn VI. To Aphrodite, p. 110.

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smell" (sec. 49). An interesting saying is about the specific unpleasant "metallic" smell that is characteristic of brass, especially when it comes into contact with hands. Brass is also attributed a bitter metallic taste, unlike bronze or gold. The second passage from Pseudo-Aristotle speaks of a certain special bronze of the Mossinoi, which had an unusually bright golden color (sec. 58). This shade is typical for brass containing about 10-12% zinc, which can even confuse it with gold, so at present such an alloy (industrial grade L90) is widely used for the manufacture of insignia, accessories and art products. The characteristic greenish-yellow color appears in brass only when the zinc content exceeds 20% [14].

So, the earliest literary ancient Greek sources (starting from the 7th century BC) concerning the use of copper-zinc alloy or aurichalcum (as opposed to hulk - bronze or copper), present it as something special and expensive. Even in the fourth century BC, Plato, in his Critias, describes aurichalcum as a very valuable material and states that although gold is the most precious metal known to the Atlanteans, it is immediately followed by aurichalcum in value.

The place where this alloy is produced, ancient authors refer to some lands far from Greece in the East, and the process of obtaining aurichalka is shrouded in mystery. Pseudo-Aristotle brought us a description that is a mixture of various accounts that the inhabitants of Eastern Anatolia, Mossinoiki, produced an alloy (bronze or "hulk") that had a particularly bright color, despite the fact that tin was not added to it, but instead a certain rock was added (Ps. - Arist. 835a, 9 (62)). However, this passage can also be attributed to arsenic bronze, since there are no direct indications of the use of zinc here.

By the end of the first millennium BC, brass, as evidenced by the relatively rare brass products of that time that have survived to this day, became known in some areas of the Hellenistic world. Published data on the analysis of the composition of archaeological finds and coins indicate that in Asia Minor, brass was used almost exclusively for minting coins from the first century BC to the second century AD, and its use is strictly limited to two regions - Bithynia and Pergamum [15]. This alloy appears to have been produced during a carburization process in which calcined zinc ore was reduced using charcoal in the presence of finely crushed metallic copper in a closed vessel. Zinc vapors dissolved in copper, forming brass in the solid state. How the method of obtaining brass by carburization was discovered is unknown, but it may have been as a result of the mixing process of copper and metallic zinc. Some evidence in support of this hypothesis is contained in a well-known passage from Strabo's Geography, which is an excerpt from an older work by The fourth-century Theophilus. BCE, which describes the production of metallic zinc: "After Skepsis come the Andires, the Pyonies, and the Gargara region. In the vicinity of Andir there is a stone which, when burned, turns into iron and then, when it is melted in a furnace with the addition of some kind of earth, gives off zinc, which, when copper is added, turns into a so-called mixture, called by some "aurichalkum". Zinc is also found near Tmol. These are the areas occupied by the Lelegi, as well as the areas near Assa" (Strabo. XIII. 56). The identification of the mentioned mines at Andira with the abandoned Baluya Maden mine workings near Balikesir in Northwestern Anatolia seems quite likely[16]. Baluya Maden was known for its silver mines, and polymetallic ores such as silver-ferrous galena, sphalerite and pyrite were also mined here. During smelting, zinc minerals were oxidized, evaporated, and coated the walls of the furnace chimney with white oxide

(14) Craddock. The Composition... 3. P. 8.

(15) Moesta Н., Franke P.R. Antike Metallurgie und Miinzpragung. 1995. S. 146. Abb. 100.

(16) Craddock. Aspects... P. 294.

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zinc. In some places of the furnace, metallic zinc could be formed, although in the main space of the furnace it existed only in the form of steam. These zinc drops were collected and used to make high-quality brass[17].

The next step may have been an attempt to carry out a real carburization process,i.e. heating finely crushed pieces of copper with zinc oxide and coal in a closed crucible. The temperature in the crucible had to be maintained at about 1000 ° C, which could provide a maximum adsorption of zinc vapors of 28% (this was confirmed by special experiments[18]), as well as according to written sources for modern Europe [19]. In this regard, it is very interesting that the analyzed Early Roman brass items never contain more than this amount of zinc, usually about 19-28%, and this may indicate that these brasses were obtained by carburization. As a rule, all ancient brass objects contain very little tin and lead, which indicates that the alloy was obtained by carburization, for which it was necessary to use newly smelted pure copper, and not bronze scrap, since lead and tin significantly reduce the melting point of copper, which can cause the mixture to liquefy even before it is completely melted. before the cementation process starts. Later Roman brasses contain quite a lot of lead and tin, which probably indicates that bronze scrap was used for their manufacture, which was added to brass obtained earlier by the carburization process. The oldest brass products contain about 6-12% zinc. This means that the alloy for them was not obtained by carburizing, since in this case the percentage of zinc content would be large - up to 28%[20]. It is known from the writings of Dioscorides (I century AD) that aurichalcum was widely used in the Roman Empire, and no doubt this term meant brass (Mater. Med. 5).

In the Hellenistic Greek states, brass was very rarely used for making various things [21]. On the Bosporus, brass is probably known only not earlier than the first century BC. According to M. Y. Treister [22], about 10% of the studied products are made of brass, which can be dated to this time. Earlier, in the third century BC, only single products made of a multicomponent alloy, including zinc in the amount of several percent, were known. Apparently, the first mass production of brass in the Greek states should be recognized as coins.

As already noted, the question of the use of brass in coinage is closely related to the broader problem of the use of qualitatively different alloys, namely brass, copper and bronze, for minting coins of different denominations. One of the first results we obtained when studying the coins of the states of the ancient Northern Black Sea region was the identification of such an unprecedented fact as the identification of pure copper coins of one particular type, namely anonymous Bosporan obols (Tables I, 7, insert) [23]. Although earlier this phenomenon was noted by M. Y. Traister[24] and

(17) Ibid.

(18) Craddock. The Composition... 3. P. 9-11.

(19) Craddock. Aspects... P. 296 f.

(20) Craddock. The Composition... 3. P. 2.

(21) Ibid. P. 4-5; Craddock P.T. The Composition of the Copper Alloys used by the Greek, Etruscan and Roman Civilisations. 2. The Archaic, Classical and Hellenistic Greeks // Journal of Archaeological Science. 1977. 4. P. 103-123.

(22) Treister M. Yu. Bronzoliteynoe craft Bospora [Bronze casting craft of the Bosporus]. SGMII. 1992. 10. p. 91 el. It is not clear from the author's publication whether he took into account the results of the coin study when calculating the total number of analyzed products made of copper-based alloys.

(23) Burachkov I. O. General catalog of coins belonging to the Hellenic colonies that existed in ancient times on the northern coast of the Black Sea. Part 1. Odessa, 1884. XXIII. pp. 25-30.

(24) Treister M.Ju. Spectroanalytical Study of the Kingdom of Bosporus Bronze Coins // Bulletin of the Metals Museum. 1988. 13. P. 14.

Table I. Bosporan and Pontic coins of the first half of the first century BC:

1 - Bosporan anonymous obol. l. s. - head of Dionysus in an ivy wreath to the right. Vol. s. - lit, monogram 1 (fig. 2) - as F 40 (fig. 1). GE 27534. Copper. Weight: 20.95 g. B. XX1P, 25-30; 2-Pontic anonymous obol. l. s. - head in a leather helmet to the left. Ob. s. - eight-pointed star, bow, monogram 2 (Fig. 2). GE 12447. Copper. Weight: 20.51 g. Published by: Golenko K. V. Pontius anonymous copper / / VDI. 1969. N 1. P. 153; 3-G. Amis. L. S.-head of Perseus to the right. Ob. s. - grazing Pegasus to the left, city name, monograms 3 (Fig. 2). GE 12056. Copper. Weight: 12.19 g. Not published. Rec. pp. 55, 32, Table VIII, 25-26; 4-G. Habakta. l. s. - Perseus ' head to the right. Ob. s. - grazing Pegasus to the left, city name, monogram 4 (fig. 2) - as F 15 (fig. 1). GE 12169. Copper. Weight: 9.99 g. Not published. Rec. p. 77,/, Table XI, 2/; 5-G. Diya. l. s. - Perseus ' head to the right. Ob. s. - grazing Pegasus to the left, city name, monograms 5 (Fig. 2). GE 13240. Copper. Weight: 11.19 g. Unpublished; b - G. Diya. l. s. - Perseus ' head to the right. Ob. s. - grazing Pegasus to the right, city name, monograms 5 (Fig. 2). GE 13239. Copper. Weight: 11.66 g. Not published; 7-G. Diya. l. s. - Perseus ' head to the right. Ob. s. - grazing Pegasus to the right, city name, monograms 5 (Fig. 2). GE 13238. Copper. Weight: 13.64 g. Not published; 8-G. Amis. l. s. - head of Dionysus to the right. Ob. s. - cysta and tiers with ribbons, city name, monogram 6 (fig. 2). GE 33318. Brass. Weight: 8.40 g. Not published. Rec. pp. 53, 24, Tables VII, 14-16; 9 - G. Diya. l. s. - Dionysus ' head to the right. Ob. s. - cysta and tiers with ribbons, city name, monograms 5 (fig. 2). GE 13233. Brass. Weight: 7.37 g. Unpublished; 10-g. Dia. HP-head of Dionysus to the right. Ob. s. - cysta and tiers with ribbons, city name, monogram 6 (fig. 2). GE 13234. Brass. Weight: 8.11 g. Not published; / / - G. Diya. L. S.-head of Dionysus to the right. Ob. s. - cysta and tiers with ribbons, city name, monograms 5 (Fig. 2). GE 13235. Brass. Weight: 7.91 g. Not published; 12-G. Amis. l. s. - head in a wolfskin to the right. Ob. s. - Nickname, name of the city. GE 12103. Brass. Weight: 6.19 g. Not published. Rec. pp. 56, 38, Table VII, 30; 13-G. Amis. l. s. - head of Ares in a helmet to the right. Ob. s. - a sword in a scabbard, the name of the city, monograms 7 (Fig. 2). GE 12037. Bronze. Weight: 19.5 g. Not published. Rec. pp. 54, 30, Table VII, 23; 14-G. Amis. l. s. - aegis. Ob. s. - Nickname, city name, monograms 8 (fig. 2). GE 12078. Bronze. Weight: 7.07 g. Not published. Rec. pp. 57, 44, Tables VIII, 1-4.

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K. V. Golenko(25), it was verified by us on the basis of a large number of copies: a total of 1,165 coins of this type or re-minted ones were examined. With the exception of seven copies with traces of re-coinage (which is 0.6% of the total number of coins studied), all the remaining 1,158 coins are made of" pure " copper.

Copper in ancient times, of course, was not something rare or expensive, but its use in coinage until the middle of the first century BC was completely excluded. The discovery of" pure "copper Bosporan anonymous obols contradicted the data of numerous previous studies, which showed that copper-based alloy coins in the Greek world during the entire Hellenistic era were never minted from "pure" copper, but were made everywhere and invariably from bronze(26) (only one exception was noted(27)). Over time, only the percentage of tin and lead, the main prescription components of this alloy, changed.

The publication of the Bosporan anonymous obols is probably connected with the beginning of the activity of the son of Mithridates VI as governor of Bosporus, about whom Plutarch says: "He (Mithridates), having taken Asia Minor from the Romans, and Bithynia and Cappadocia from the local kings, was sitting in Pergamum... and of his sons, one in Pontus and the Bosporus held the ancient power in his hands without any hindrance, as far as the uninhabited countries above Maeotis " (Sull. 11). Thus, during the period of the greatest victories of Mithridates VI in the first war with the Romans, i.e. in 89-88 BC, one of his eldest sons, Mithridates the Younger (28), ruled Bosporus and the ancestral Pontic kingdom as a viceroy. This time should probably be attributed to the beginning of the viceroy's coinage of the so-called anonymous Bosporan obols of the Dionysus - Gorit type, which were used only in the Bosporus together with Pontic (mainly Amis and Sinop) tetrahalks.

At the beginning of the Mithridatic period, urban silver and copper were produced on the Bosporus, so the reasons for the cardinal reform of coinage, apparently, should be sought in the change in the general policy of Mithridates VI in relation to the northern Pontic cities, which was expressed in the transition from the Philhellenic policy of granting freedoms to purely eastern despotic measures in relation to subordinate cities. Bosporus lost the right to mint silver coins, which could not but affect the state of international trade. Bosporan cities have formally lost the privilege of minting their own copper coins, but this measure cannot be considered a punishment for the participation of cities in the anti-Mitridat movement of the 80s[29]. Rather, it is the reverse sequence of events, and the causes of discontent on the Bosporus could just be the consequences of a change in the political course of Mithridates, expressed, in particular,in a decisive change in the coinage. Even in the period of preparation for the first war with Rome, Mithridates made alliances with the Scythians and Sarmatians (App. Mithr. 57), which, apparently, also caused discontent on the part of the Greek cities of the Bosporus. After all, the population of the Black Sea region was vitally interested in strengthening inter-Pontic relations, which were interrupted as a result of the first Mithridatic War(30). It is possible that the result was the deposition of part of the Bosporan "inhabitants" from Mithridates (App. Mithr. 64).

(25) Golenko K. V. On the character of the coinage of Bosporan anonymous obols / / NSF. 1965. 2. p. 46; ond. Pontic anonymous copper / / VDI. 1969. N 1. P. 133.

(26) Galley E.R. The Composition of Ancient Greek Bronze Coins // Memoirs of the Amer. Philos. Soc. XI. Philadelphia, 1939. P. 112-115.

(27) Burnett A.M., Craddock P.Т., Preston K. New Light on the Origins of Orichalcum // Proceedings of the 9th International Congress of Numismatics, September 1979. Bern, 1980. P. 267.

(28) T. Mommsen Istoriya Rima [History of Rome], Vol. II, St. Petersburg, 1994, P. 209; Saprykin S. Yu. Pontiiskoe tsarstvo, Moscow, 1996, P. 348.

(29) Golenko. On the character of coinage ... p. 47.

(30) Saprykin. Uk. soch. p. 178.

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Figure 1. Monograms on Bosporan Anonymous obols (according to Fro / ova N A. Towards a History of Bosporan Coinage. 1st Century B.C.) // Ancient Civilizations, E.J. Brill. Leiden, 1996. V. 3, 2-3. P. 151-168). The monogram numbering system adopted by the authors of this article has been preserved.

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Thus, the question of the beginning of the coinage of Bosporan anonymous obols is probably connected with the change in the policy of Mithridates VI in relation to the northern Black Sea cities and the establishment of the power of the governor on the Bosporus. The long-term minting of anonymous obols is indicated by a large number of various monograms on them-N. A. Frolov has about 50 of them, and many of them coincide with the monograms on Pontic city copper [31]. Therefore, it seems possible to attribute the date of the beginning of the minting of anonymous Bosporan obols to 89/88 BC (the initial establishment of the governor's power), and not to 81/80 BC (the time of the appointment of the Mahar as the new governor of the Bosporus).

When considering the monograms published by N. A. Frolova on Bosporan anonymous obols, it is impossible not to note the similarity between many of them. We may be dealing here with several different spellings of the same names , a phenomenon well known for coinage in many Hellenistic Greek states (32). Without claiming finality of conclusions, we will try to group the monograms according to one name, and at the beginning of each group we will put the spelling variant of the monogram with the least number of elements. This method can help in some cases when reading the names of magistrates. This results in about 15 different large groups or 25 smaller ones (Figure 1), which correspond to about the same number of magistrates. If we assume that the position of coin magistrate was changed annually, then we get approximately at least 15 and at most 25 years of minting Bosporan anonymous obols. Consequently, counting back from 65 BC, i.e. the year of the cessation of minting of Bosporan anonymous obols, we get the beginning of the 80s of the first century BC as the time of the beginning of their issue.

According to the observations of A. L. Berthier-Delagard, Yu. S. Krushkol and N. A. Frolova, many monograms on Bosporan anonymous obols have an exact similarity with those on the city coins of Pontus and Paphlagonia[33]. This fact suggests that it is possible that the coinage of the states belonging to the Pontic Power, in particular the Bosporus, was controlled by the same officials appointed by the king.

Comparison of monograms on obols with monograms on Pontic copper leads to the conclusion that among the Bosporan monograms there are almost no early, characteristic of Pontic copper first issues. However, the very first Pontic city copper was produced without monograms at all. It should be noted that the treasure from Polyanka, which was studied by N. A. Frolova, revealed Bosporan anonymous obols without monograms (approximately 3% of the total number of unnamed coins). The bulk of the identified monogram matches on Bosporan anonymous obols and Pontic-Paph-Lagon coins indicate the most likely time of the former's existence from 105-90 to 80-70 BC or somewhat later. In addition, Bosporan anonymous obols do not have monograms in common with the coins of the Bosporan cities of the previous period, which, apparently, indicates a relatively later time of issue of anonymous obols.

Thus, numismatic data and historical evidence suggest that in the period after the establishment of the governor's power, i.e. from 89/88 BC and until his removal in 65 BC, Bosporus was included in the power of the Pontic king as a satrapy. If up to this time the Bosporan coinage shows, "on the one hand, the complete real subordination of the Bosporan coinage to the central authority of the Pontic king, and on the other-the desire to give the coin issue the appearance of not being issued".-

(31) Frolova N.A. Towards a History of Bosporan Coinage (1st Century B.C.) // Ancient Civilizations. 1996. V. 3. N 2-3. P. 165.

(32) A. Rogalski. On the question of monogramming on the magistracy when grtskite moneti / / Numismatics. 1975. Year X. N 4. pp. 3-9.

(33) Podshivalov A.M. Coins of the Cimmerian Bosporus Kings. Odessa, 1888; Krushkol Yu. S. Coins with monograms from the Patraean treasure of 1950 / / VDI. 1953. N 3. P. 140-1; Frolova. Op. cit. P. 166.

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The situation changes dramatically around 89/88 BC.Now anonymous obols of the Dionysus - Gorytus type and Pontic tetrachalcons of later editions are in circulation on the Bosporus. In our opinion, the question of the place of minting anonymous obols remains open, it could have been carried out both on the Bosporus and in Pontus. In the case of the latter assumption, the obols minted in Pontus could have been brought along with the tetrahalks for circulation in the Bosporus.

It should be noted that in the second decade of the first century BC, silver coinage ceased on the Bosporus[35]. This also indicates a change in the status of the state in the direction of greater dependence on Ponta. Without its own silver coin, Bosporus could not act independently on the international stage and was now completely dependent on the Pontic king. Perhaps the numerous anonymous obols issued by the Governor of Bosporus were intended to replace silver coins to some extent. We can therefore assume that anonymous obols were given a special rate, higher than that of ordinary copper. However, this required the government to take some special measures to distinguish these coins from others and reduce the likelihood of forgeries.

Bosporan anonymous obols, therefore, were signs of notional value, and their manufacture required a new material that was different from that used for other coins, as well as from the material of existing metal products. As such a metal, "pure" copper was chosen. This choice was not accidental. Indeed, during the late Hellenistic period, pewter-lead bronze was used on the Bosporus for the manufacture of various objects of art or everyday life. "Pure" copper was rarely used for these purposes [36]. As you know, the Bosporus did not have its own copper ore deposits and therefore completely depended on external supplies. During the period under review, the metal or alloys were obviously delivered from Pontus. It can be assumed that there was a state monopoly established by the ruler (the viceroy of Mithridates) on the use of imported "pure" copper exclusively for minting coins - anonymous "obols".

The new coins were made of a metal different from the alloy of the Pontic tetra-halks, which were in circulation on the Bosporus at that time. First of all, the copper coin circle was distinguished by a dark red color; in addition, the minted coins were different in texture, gloss, hardness, and degree of resistance to corrosion (for example, it is known that tin bronze is more resistant to corrosion than copper). In addition, "pure" copper has a casting temperature of 1150-1230 C, which is about 100-150 higher than for bronze[37]. This circumstance required the use of special high-temperature foundry furnaces for the manufacture of coin circles made of pure copper and would greatly complicate the fate of counterfeiters, if any were found. Anonymous Bosporan obols were made in the vast majority from new coin circles, i.e. re-minting, apparently, was not allowed. Note that the security measures taken probably had their effect, at least among the coins studied, there are almost no ones that would raise doubts about their authenticity.

To clarify the reasons for the use of" pure " copper in Bosporan coinage, it was necessary to analyze the coins of Asia Minor, since at the time of interest Bosporus was part of the Pontic power of Mithridates VI. In total, more than 550 copies of coins from the main collection of the Hermitage from the Asia Minor regions of Mysia, Phrygia, Pontus, Bithynia, Cappadocia of the Hellenistic period were studied.

(34) Shelov D. B. Makhar, ruler of the Bosporus / / VDI. 1978. N 1. P. 63.

(35) K. V. Golenko (On the nature of minting... p. 46) dates the cessation of silver minting by the Bosporus Poleis to 80 BC (see also Anokhin V. A. Minting of the Bosporus. Kiev, 1986, pp. 74-76).

(36) Traister. Uk. soch. p. 92.

37. Smiryagin A. P., Smiryagina N. A., Belova A.V. Promyshlennye tsvetnye metally i splavy [Industrial non-ferrous metals and alloys]. Spravochnik [Handbook], Moscow, 1974, pp. 32, 189-199. Actually, the role of alloying additives to copper is just to reduce the casting temperature of the bronze obtained in this way.

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In addition, the results of coin analyses of the regions of Asia Minor and other states of the ancient world were taken into account.

First of all, it should be noted that the measurements carried out revealed another type of coin, all copies of which, like the Bosporan anonymous obols, are minted from "pure" copper. These are the so-called Pontic anonymous obols of the "Head in a leather helmet - an eight-pointed star" type, which are described in sufficient detail in foreign and domestic works, although there is no consensus on the place and time of their minting (Tables I, 2). Assuming that a separate work will be devoted to the study of anonymous Pontic copper, we will only give a brief summary below. considerations regarding the nature and time of existence of these coins(38). These obols were characterized as the coinage of the governors of the Pontic king Mithridates VI on the Bosporus or in Colchis (39) by Mithridates VI himself (40) or his predecessors(41) in Pontus. They were also considered religious-temple editions of the Comana of Pontus of the first years of the reign of Mithridates VI (42).

We tend to prefer the version that these are releases of the satrap appointed by Mithridates VI, mainly for military purposes. Indeed, Persian satraps were usually depicted wearing a leather helmet, or kirbasia(43), and the tradition is that the Persian satraps were often depicted wearing a leather helmet or kirbasia.

(38) In addition to obols, coins of smaller denominations were issued, which have a common type of reverse side - an eight-pointed star. The images on the front sides are different, but they are usually connected thematically: a tiara or leather helmet, a rose flower, a bow in a burning state, two crescents. With the exception of a few copies - with a leather helmet, indeed - the rest of the small coins are minted in bronze. Extremely interesting is the discovery of a treasure in Vanya, as well as individual coins of small denominations with the image of the headdress of Isis and an eight-pointed star on the back, which may be associated with the coins of larger denominations under discussion. It should be noted that the tetradrachms of Athens of the new style contain exact analogies of the images on the coins from Vanya in the form of symbols. 93/92 BC-headdress of Isis, and on the coins of 87/86-stars and crescents (Callatay F.de L'histoire des guerres Mithridatiques vue par les monnaies. Louvain-la-Neuve, 1997. p. 305, see enlarged photos in Tables LIII, F, G). The image of the lotus bud, or headdress of Isis, cannot be considered rare on Hellenistic coins, for example, on silver coins of Mindos circa 100 BC (published: Coin Hoards. V. VIII. Greek Hoards. Royal Numismatic Society L., 1994. P. 56. PI. LXXI, 4-24), bronze Ptolemaic coins of the late II-I century BC (SNG. The Royal Collection of Coins and Medals. Danish National Museum. Copenhagen, 1977. N 685-690, PI. XXII). The coin with an eight-pointed star, two crescent moons on the reverse and the head of Athena in a helmet on the obverse is available in the museum of the city of Amasra (other Amastria), which is located about halfway from Isgambul to Sinope. There is no city name on the coin (Ireland S., Atesogullari S. The Ancient Coins in Amasra Museum // Studies of Ancient Coinage from Turkey. L., 1996. P. 118. PI. 51, 29). Astral symbols, the eight-pointed star and crescent, which are characteristic of royal tetradrachmas, as well as from time to time for coins of the cities of Pontus and Bithynia, are, according to various researchers, either a sign of the cult of the goddess Ma (Price J. Mithradates VI Eupator, Dionysus, and the Coinage of the Black Sea // NC. 1968. P. 3), or the coat of arms of Pontus (Kleiner G. Bildnis und Gestalt des Mithridates / / JDAI. 1953. 68. S. 82), or the symbol of the Mithridatid dynasty (Davis N., Kraay S. M. The Hellenistic Kingdoms. Portrait Coins and History. L., 1973. P. 200-209; Summerer L. Das Pontische Wappen. Zur Astralsymbolik auf pontischen Munzen // Chiron. 1995. 25. S. 305-313).

(39)1 mhoof-B turner F. Griechische Miinzen. Munchen, 1890. S. 40; idem. Zur Munzkunde des Pontos, von Paph-lagonien, Tenedos, Aiolis und Lesbos // ZrN. 1897. S. 254; idem. Die Kupferpragung des mithradatischen Reiches und andere Miinzen des Pontos und Paphlagonien // NZ. 1912. 5. S. 81; Giel Chr. Kleine Beitrage zur antiken Numismatik Sudrusslands. М., 1886. S. 4 f.; Minns E.H. Scythians and Greeks. Cambr., 1913. P. 287; Zograf A. N. Antique coins / / MIA. 1951. 16. P. 186; Kleiner G. Pontische Reichsmunzen / / IM. 1955. 6. S. 6.

(40) Baldwin A. Les monnaies de bronze dites incertaines du Pont ou du royaume de Mithridate Eupator // RN. 1913. 4 ser. Т. 18. С. 284.

(41) Kolb P. Monnaies de bronze incertaines du Pont. Ramarques sur 1'article de m- lle Baldwin a propos de la decouverte d'une monnaie nouvelle // RN. 1926. 4 ser. Т. 28. S. 26; Голенко. Pontic anonymous copper. pp. 141,144.

(42) Saprykin. Uk. soch. p. 106-121.

(43) However, it cannot be denied that kings were also depicted in the tiara, for example, the king of Commagene Mithridates I Callinicus on bronze coins issued in the 90s BC (Navy Galatia, p. 104, 1-3, tabl. XIV, 7) and Mithridates II (Guadan A.M. de. Bronze de Mithradates II de Commagene / / Numisma. Madrid, 1957. VII. N 24. P. 28 f).

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It has deep roots dating back to the fifth century BC. [44] The term "satrap" usually refers to Persian provincial rulers or Persian military leaders, but it could also refer to local dynasties that ruled under the aegis of the Persians. [45] The tiara, or kirbasia (a soft leather or felt helmet with side and back shields hanging down), as well as a tunic with sleeves and trousers made up the costume that usually characterizes the Persians and Medes in Anatolian art(46). Such a description of the appearance of representatives of these Eastern peoples is given by Herodotus (I. 131. 1; III. 12. 4; 8. 120) and Xenophon (Sugor. VIII. 3. 13). Strabo, the author closest in time to the period under consideration, describes the Cappadocian magicians as follows: "On their heads they have felt tiaras, the hanging ends of which descend from both sides over their cheeks, so that they cover their lips "(XV. 3. 15) and further: on their heads the Persian soldiers "wear a felt cap their tiaras are "like those used by magicians" (XV. 3. 19).

It is impossible to assume that a particular king or satrap was deliberately depicted on copper obols, since this would contradict the tradition of placing images of gods or heroes on city coins of copper denominations. Only royal coins made of gold and silver had a portrait of the king, while in all other cases immortal gods or heroes were depicted. Sometimes they were given the portrait features of the king, as, for example, on the Bosporan anonymous obols (47), in this case the king was depicted as a god or a deified hero. As is known, the image of a head in a leather helmet, which is quite similar to the one presented on anonymous coins, is found on one type of urban copper of Amis and Sinope, dating from 120-111 BC. [48] These coins are on a par with other urban issues, on the obverse and reverse sides of which there are images of gods or heroes and their attributes[49). Probably, the image of a head in a leather helmet on Pontic anonymous copper is a collective image of a Persian warrior-hero. It is possible that he was given the portrait features of Mithridates or his sons.

It has been repeatedly noted in the literature that the coin issues of the Persian satraps were intended exclusively for military purposes(50). They were not regular, but rather sporadic, and were produced as needed in various locations. Therefore, it is likely that the name of the city is missing on the Pontic obols. According to the researcher's figurative expression, these coins were not intended to "be eternal monuments to the one who issued them, they were an instrument of war, as necessary as swords and arrows, pack animals and ships, warm clothes and supplies of bread"(51).

Regarding the time of issue of these coins, it seems that the argument of S. Y. Saprykin and other researchers should be considered correct: the coins are a compact issue and date back to the first years of the reign of Mithridates Evpator (52). At this time, Mithridates was not yet as active as later in promoting Philhellinism, so early coins show images symbolizing the Persian roots of his family and kingdom. I wonder what's on the coins

(44) Zahle J. Persian Satraps and Lycian Dynasts. The Evidence of the Diadems // Proceedings of the 9th International Congress of Numismatics. Louvain-la-Neuve - Luxemburg, 1982. P. 101, 112.

(45) Harrison С.М. Coins of the Persian Satraps. A Dissertation in Classical Archaeology. University of Pennsylvania, 1992. P. 8.

(46) Ibid. P. 10.

(47) Krushkol. Uk. soch. p. 127-146.

(48) Rec. VII. 6; XXVI. 14.

(49) Head in leather helmet - sword in scabbard, head of Artemis - tripod, head of Zeus - eagle, head of Ares - sword, head of Athena - Perseus, Aegis - Nike, head of Dionysus - cyst, head of Dionysus - Thyrsus, head of Perseus - Pegasus, head of Zeus - eagle.

(50) Harrison. Op. cit. P. 439 f.

(51) Ibid. P. 443.

(52) Saprykin. U k op. p. 111.

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Eastern motifs are almost never found in the Bosporus, with the possible exception of the depiction of the god Mena on Panticapean obols. Probably, it was not profitable for the king to reveal his Persian and Iranian roots, especially in those states under his control, where he especially played the role of liberator of all Greeks.

Pontic anonymous obols were able to cover the need for financial resources in the absence of silver coinage, since the production of royal silver began only in 95 BC(53), i.e. anonymous coins of large denominations were most likely overestimated in their value. This is probably why it was necessary to make them not from ordinary bronze, but from "pure" copper, so as to distinguish them by color from simple obols and reduce the risk of forgeries.

The question of which or in which particular area these coins were issued remains unresolved. It is likely that studying the geographical distribution of the finds of these coins will help in clarifying it, but many museum specimens do not have an indication of their origin. It can be stated that so far only six coins are known to have been found: four were found on the Bosporus and one each in Philadelphia in Lydia (modern times). Amman) and Halicarnassus in Ionia (Mindos) (54).

Interesting results were obtained when studying the composition of the alloy of coins of cities that were part of the power of Mithridates VI. According to the conducted research, the Late Hellenistic coins of Asia Minor before the Mithridatic period were minted from tin-lead bronze with a lead content ranging from a few percent to one and a half dozen percent. This metal composition of coins is common for the Hellenistic coinage of Greek states.

Numerous urban issues of Asian cities of the Mithridatic period, as can be judged from the available data [55] and from the results of our analyses, are overwhelmingly minted from tin-lead bronze, but now the distinctive feature of the alloy is a small (up to the first percent) amount of lead. This composition is so typical for the entire period of urban coinage of the Mithridatic empire that it can even be called a special term -"Pontic" bronze. The indicated composition of the coins of the Pontic Kingdom is fundamentally different from the coin alloys (bronzes) used in other Greek states, and contradicts the general trend of a gradual increase in the lead content in Greek coins in the first century BC-1st century AD [56].

However, in addition to the use of bronze with a low lead content, there are also much more serious features in the use of metals in the urban coinage of the Mithridatic period. So, among the Pontic-Paphlagonian coins, two types are distinguished. The first is the obols of Amis, Habakta and Dii with the head of Perseus-a grazing Pegasus (57) (Tables I, 3, 4, 5-7), the second is the numerous type of "Dionysus - cyst", minted in the 90-80 - ies BC in the cities of Amis(58) and Dii(59) (tables I, 8-11). The coins of the first of these types are minted from "pure" copper(60), and the coins of the second, without exception(61), are made of brass. There are also quite rare coins of the "Head in the wolf" type.

(53) Ibid. SL121.

(54) Golenko. Pontic anonymous copper. p. 135.

(55) Craddock, Burnett, Preston. Op. cit. P. 56; Zwiker U. Griechische Munzen (Griechenland, Agais, Pont, Paphlagonien und Bithynien) // Sammlung Zwiker. Eriangen, 1996. Vol. 2. P. 133-153, 236-241; Treister. Op. cit. P. 18, N 180-183.

(56) Galley. The Composition of Ancient Greek Bronze Coins. P. 114.

(57) Rec. VII. 25-26; XI. 21. It should be noted that in the Hermitage collection there are two copies (GE 13238-9) of unique coins of this type, on which the grazing Pegasus is depicted to the right, and not to the left, as on all other coins of this type in the cities of Amis, Habakty and Dii (Tables I, b, 7).

(58) Rec. VII. 25-26.

(59) Inventory storage numbers in the main collection of the Hermitage: GE 13233-13235.

(60) A total of 19 specimens were examined: 2 specimens. (in the British Museum) -Burnett, Craddock, Preston. Op. cit. P. 267); 3 copies-Zwiker. Op. cit. P. 139, 237 f.); 14 copies. researched by us.

(61) Analysis data are available for 31 specimens: 1 specimen - Burnett, Craddock, Preston. Op. cit. P. 264; 1 specimen-Treister. Op. cit. P. 19. N 184; 5 specimens-Zwiker. Op. cit. P. 139, 237; 24 specimens. analyzed by us.

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2. Monograms on the coins of Asia Minor of the 11th-1st centuries BC.

skins " (62) (Tables I, 72), which in Amis were also made of brass(63). The coin of the same type that we examined, but minted in Sinope, does not contain zinc, but is made of" Pontic " bronze. Based on these observations, it can be suggested that probably the first mass deliberate issue of brass coins was carried out in 90-80 BC in Amis and Diya and covered only coins of a certain type, namely: "Dionysus-cysta". A relatively large number of known coins of this type, as well as numerous and diverse monograms on them, indicate a fairly long time of their minting.

So, we have recorded two features in the municipal coinage of the cities of Pontus and Paphlagonia, namely that the coins of the Perseus-Pegasus type are minted from "pure" copper, and the coins of the Dionysus - Cysta type are minted from brass. Although F. Imhof-Bloomer dated the first type to 80-70 BC, and the second to a slightly earlier time - 90-80 BC [64]. These issues can be considered at least partially coinciding in time or following each other with some overlap in time scale, since among the monograms on both types there are exactly the same ones. Thus, we can conclude that in 90-70 BC, the mints of some cities of Pontus and Paphlagonia - Amis, Dia, Habakta-simultaneously issued coins of two (or three) different denominations from significantly different alloys: large coins

(62) Rec. VII. 30.

(63) 3 specimens were examined: 1 specimen - Craddock, Burnett, and Preston. Op. cit. P. 56; 1 specimen-Zwiker. Op. cit. P. 141, 238; 1 specimen. researched by us.

(64) Imhoof-Blumer. Die Klipferpragung... S. 169-184. For a more precise dating of brass coins of the Dionysus - cysta type, there is a unique aureus of the Attic standard, weighing 8.49 g, stored in the Medal Cabinet in Paris, the types of the obverse and reverse sides of which exactly repeat the images on the mentioned Pontic coins. The gold coin has a clear inscription: "Minius leius Minii" and it is dated, presumably, 89 BC. e. - the time of negotiations between Mithridates and the Italian cities directed against Rome (Callatay. Op. cit. С. 287. PI. 51, N Е; McGing B.C. The Foreign Policy of Mithridates VI Eupator, King ofPontus. Leiden, 1986. P. 85. Not. 70-71).

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(obols?) the " Perseus-Pegasus "type is made of" pure "copper, i.e. copper without artificial additives, and smaller coins of the" Dionysus - cysta "type are made of brass, as well as tetrachalcules of the" Ares - sword "type (Table I, 13) and" Aegis - Nika " (Table I, 14) - made of bronze. All other city coins of Pontus and Paphlagonia of the Mithridatic issues are minted from tin-lead bronze with a low lead content.

The use of brass for minting coins of the Dionysus - cysta type can probably be considered one of the first, but not the only example of the use of this alloy in coinage in the Mithridatic era. As shown by studies conducted in the laboratory of the British Museum (65), as well as our results, some cities of Mysia and Phrygia have been producing brass coins since the second decade of the first century BC, and this phenomenon in the coinage industry must, apparently, be associated with the expansionist policy of Mithridates VI (Figure 2).

As one of the most important reasons that could have led Mithridates VI to start his conquests, we should probably mention his desire to possess deposits of gold and silver, as well as other metals available in various regions of Asia Minor. Apparently, the preparation for wars with Rome required huge financial expenditures from the Pontic king, and this was reflected in experiments with coin metals and the search for new alloys to solve the problem of finding additional monetary resources.

Strabo describes Pharnakia as a land of the Chaldeans or Chalibs, famous for its mines, in his time iron, and earlier also silver. Ancient mines of precious metals are known near the modern villages of Giresun and Ordu in the vicinity of ancient Pharnakia. Copper ore deposits are found in Bithynia, Paphlagonia, Pontus (Pharnacia), and Lesser Armenia (66). Mixed copper-lead-zinc ores are recorded in only two locations in Asia Minor. The first area, according to Strabo (XII. 3. 19) and according to modern researchers, is located in the legendary country of the Chaldeans in the north-eastern corner of the Pontus near Pharnacia, as well as to the south of it, and the second area is localized in the vicinity of Pergamum and Phrygia (67).

In 89/88 BC, a huge part of Asia Minor fell into the hands of Mithridates. To govern these territories, he appointed regional and city rulers-satraps (App. Mithr. 21). The coin issues of many Asian regions of this period indicate the Mithridatic influence, which was manifested in the choice of types and denominations, the subjects of images, and also, as will be shown below, in coin alloys. In Pergamum, in 89/88 BC, the issue of new-style royal tetradrachmas, dated to the new Pergamon era, begins. The issue of these coins lasted for four years, as follows from the designation of the years of minting (from 1 to 4). In this short period of time, in addition to tetradrachmas, copper-based alloy coins were also issued in Pergamum, namely: large coins with the image of the head of Athena in a helmet, the inscription "Mithridates" at the bottom, and a standing Asclepius with the name of the city (Table II,/, pasting) [68]. This issue probably corresponds in time to the presence in Pergamum of Mithridates Eupator (App. Mithr. 52; 64), when his son Mithridates the Younger helped him fight the Roman general Fimbria. As shown by the analysis of the alloy composition, these coins are minted from brass with a zinc content of at least 15%.

(65) Craddock, Burnett, Preston. Op. cit.; Burnett, Craddock, Preston. Op. cit.

(66) De Jesus. The Development of Prehistoric Mining and Metallurgy in Anatolia // British Archaeological Reports (BAR) 74. International Series. Oxf., 1980. Pt 1, 2. P. 397.

(67) Ibid. P. 397; Caneva С., Palmieri A., Sertok K. Mineral Analysis in the Malatya Area: Some Hypoteses // Arkeometri Sonuclari Toplantisi. Ankara, 23-27 Mayis, 1988; Cowell M.R., Pike A.W.G., Burnett A.M. Analyses of Roman Provincial Copper-Alloy Coins, the Continuity of Brass in Asia Minor // XIIth International Numismatic Congress. Abstracts of Papers. В., 1997. P. 66.

(68) BMC Mysia. P. 127.

Table II. Coins of Pergamon and the cities of Phrygia in the first half of the first century BC.:

1-in the city of Pergamum. l. s. - head of Athena in a Corinthian helmet to the left, below-MYFRADATOU. Ob. s. - standing Asclepius, in his right hand - a rod entwined with a snake, the name of the city. GE 14395. Brass. Weight: 2.78 g. Not published, Navy Mysia p. 127, N 129-134. PI. XXVI, 7; 2-Pergamon. l. s. - head of Asclepius to the right. Ob. s. - an eagle to the left with a zipper, looking to the right, the name of the city. GE 14380. Brass. Weight: 7.81 g. Not published. Navy Mysia p. 128, N 144-149. PI. XXVII, /-2; 3-Pergamon. l. s. - head of Athena in a Corinthian helmet to the right. Ob. s. - an owl with outstretched wings on a palm branch, the name of the city. GE 14415. Brass. Weight: 2.78 g. Not published. Navy Mysia p. 133, N 195-204. PI. XXVII, / 5; 4-Apamea. l. s. - head of Athena in a Corinthian helmet to the right. Ob. s. - an eagle with outstretched wings on a zipper, under it a meander, the name of the city, monogram 9 (Fig. 2). GE 17060. Brass. Weight: 5.76 g. Not published. Navy Phrygia p. 77, N 45. PI. X, 4-5; 5-G. Apamea. l. s. - head of Zeus to the right. Ob. s. - cult statue of Artemis indeed, the name of the city. ANPONIKOE ALKIOU. GE 17061. Bronze. Weight: 9.01 g. Not published. IUD Phrygia p. 76, N 40-4. PI. X, 6; b-G. Apamea. l. s. - Artemis ' head to the right. Ob. s. "Marsyas is indeed the name of the city, ARTEMIS. GE 17057. Bronze. Weight: 4.27 g. Not published. Navy Phrygia p. 78, N 49-50. PI. X, 8-9; 7-G. Akmonea. l. s. - head of Athena in a Corinthian helmet to the right. Ob. s. - eagle with outstretched wings on lightning, the name of the city, the name of the magistrate of FEODOTO. GE 16962. Brass. Weight: 7.58 g. Not published. IUD Phrygia p. 4, N 1-2. PI. II, 6; 8-G. Dionysopolis, L. S.-head of Dionysus in an ivy wreath to the right. Ob. s. - standing Dionysus with a rod and a panther on the left at his feet, the name of the city, the name of the magistrate MENE[CL]. GE 17166. Brass. Weight: 9.47 g. Not published. Navy Phrygia p. 182, N 3-5. PI. XXIII, 3; 9-G. Eumenia. l. s. - head of Dionysus in an ivy wreath to the right. Ob. s. - tripod, the name of the city, the name of the magistrate MENEK, under it AEK. GE 17203. Brass. Weight: 7.33 g. Not published. Navy Phrygia p. 211, N 3-6. PI. XXVII, 3; 10-G. Philomelium. l. s. - the head of the Nickname to the right, followed by a palm branch, a caulking in the form of an eagle in a round depression. Ob. s. - two cornucopias, one to the right, the other to the left, between them an eight-pointed star and a crescent moon, the name of the city, under it: SKY. GE 17350 Brass. Weight: 9.39 g. Not published. Navy Phrygia p. 353, N 3. PI. XLI, 12

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Other fairly numerous copper issues of Pergamum bear the names of city magistrates and images associated with the cults of Athena and Asclepius (69), and most likely correspond to a time after 85/84 BC. Coins of some types (70 )they are made of brass with a lower zinc content (up to several percent) (Tables II, 2, 3), and the rest are minted from tin-lead bronze. It can be assumed that the tradition of minting coins in Pergamum from brass was founded during the reign of Mithridates, since this time dates back to the first brass coins in Pergamum with Athena and a standing Asclepius from a previously unknown alloy in coinage. Probably, this issue was "ceremonial" in nature and was associated with the victories of Mithridates in the initial period of the first war with Rome. Other cities of Mizia minted coins made of tin-lead bronze with a high lead content (up to 27%).

In Phrygia, there is a very interesting series of coins of four denominations, issued by Apamea from about 89/88 BC to the middle of the first century BC. [71] It seems to be associated with the campaign of Mithridates VI in 89/88 BC. The senior denomination of this series (coins with the head of Athena in a helmet- zippered eagle, meander, Dioskurov caps-Table II, 4) is made of brass. The coins of the next two smaller denominations are minted from bronze (Tables II, 5-6) (the coins of the youngest, fourth, denomination of this series have not been studied by us, since they are not in the Hermitage collection). In other cities of Phrygia, coins from aurichalcum are also recorded, for example, in Akmonea (72 )(Table II, 7), Dionysopolis (Table II, 5) (73), Eumenia (Table II, 9) (74), Philomelium (Table II, 70) (75). As a rule, these are large-denomination coins, the types of which are equipped with Mithridatic symbols (eight-pointed stars, an eagle with lightning, the head of Dionysus, standing Dionysus with a panther at his feet, as on Panticapean coins). In addition, they, like the coins of Apamea, contain the names of magistrates with patronyms. All this brings together the editions of the listed Phrygian cities and allows them to be attributed to the time of Mithridates VI.

Confirmation of the fact that the beginning of the use of a new alloy in the coinage of a particular city should be associated with the activities of Mithridates is found in the description of events near Appian during the period of the highest victories of the Pontic king in the first Mithridatic War. In 89/88 BC, Mithridates captured Pergamum and moved his capital there, where, as we have seen, the production of brass coins of the "Athena's head - standing Asclepius" type begins.

Apamea in Phrygia, one of the centers of the Roman province of Asia, came over to the side of Mithridates peacefully, and perhaps this is why Mithridates granted her 100 talents to rebuild after a devastating earthquake. Researchers attribute the launch of a new type of cystophore with the letter abbreviation APA to this event[76]. It is possible that the beginning of the mentioned series of four denominations with the highest denomination, broken from brass, should also be dated 89/88 BC. e. At the same time, other cities of Mysia and Phrygia were either captured by Mithridates, or voluntarily went over to his side. Appian puts it this way: "When he entered Phrygia, he (Mithridates) turned into the camp of Alexander... Then he (Mithridates) passed through the rest of Phrygia, Mysia, and Asia, all those places that had recently been captured by the Romans, and sending troops to the surrounding countries, he subdued Lycia and Pamphylia, and all the regions as far as Ionia. Only residents of Laodi-

(69) Ibid. 135-138,144-149,151-157, 158-162, 163,172-175, 183-184, 187-188,195- 204.

(70) Ibid. 144-149, 195-204, 187-188.

(71) BMC Phrygia. P. 74 f.

(72) Ibid. P. 4-5, N 6-9.

(73) Ibid. P. 182, N3-5.

(74) Ibid. P. 211, N3-6.

(75) Ibid. P. 353, N 3-6.

(76) Kleiner F.S. The Late Cistophori of Apamea. Greek Numismatics and Archaeology // Essays in Honour of Margaret Thompson. 1979. P. 122.

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Kei, the one on the river Lika, continued to resist him" (Mithr. 20) (77). Thus, many cities in Phrygia mint large-denomination coins with "Mithridatic" symbols made of brass at this time. However, the city of Laodicea does not seem to have received any assistance in organizing coinage from Mithridates VI, at least in its coinage of the time under consideration, there are no coins with Mithridatic types and made of brass.

The introduction of a progressive and profitable technical innovation in coinage, such as the minting of coins from a new alloy - brass, is logically linked to the favor and assistance shown by a powerful ruler to friendly cities, and first of all to Pergamum and Apamea, and therefore to date the earliest use of brass for minting coins. by a time close to 89/88 BC. From the very beginning, the use of new alloys ("pure copper" and brass) along with bronze was completely meaningful and deliberate. Only certain types of coins are minted from them, and there is no mixed use of different alloys for minting coins of the same type. Among the possible goals that were pursued in this case, we can mention the desire to issue coins of large denominations from copper-based alloys, which would be of acceptable sizes. At some stage, such coins may have been able to replace silver money, at least for payments on the domestic market.

Thus, the introduction of new copper-based alloys in the coinage industry coincides with the era of the Mithridatic wars and, apparently, was dictated by the urgent need to find additional funds to prepare for large-scale military operations, as well as to organize peripheral coinage of the expanded state. The most likely time of the beginning of these pioneer releases is the period of preparation and the height of the first war with Rome, which required the exertion of all the forces of the state of Mithridates Eupator. It is no coincidence that the largest number of issues of royal tetradrachmas refers specifically to the years immediately preceding the outbreak of hostilities. According to F.'s calculations. de Callataya (78), based on the information he collected about the royal tetradrachms stored in the largest numismatic collections in Europe, 55 tetradrachms were issued in the five pre - war years from 96 to 91 BC, and only in four years (90-87 BC) - already 145. In the following years, the revival of tetradrachm issues seems to have been determined by preparations for new wars with Rome. So, in 86 and 85 BC, a significant number of tetradrachmas were again issued - 50 copies. Then, for several years, the activity of mints to issue the royal coin seems to freeze. In 84-77 BC, only 12 tetradrachmas were produced. The new peak of their coinage dates back to the period of preparation for the third war with Rome, when 101 tetradrachmas were issued in 76-74 BC. Finally, the minting of the royal tetradrachmas ceased in 73-66 BC, from which only 11 coins have come down to us.

According to the available data on alloy composition, aurichalcum production in Rome began around 45 BC, and it was used in the late Hispanic period exclusively for coinage. Some researchers are of the opinion that at that time there was a state monopoly on

(77) This was reflected in the Roman presence: the Roman proconsul of the province of Asia, who had retreated here in 89 BC, Quintus Oppius, was present in the city and organized the resistance. However, Laodicea soon also went over to the side of Mithridates. It is interesting that there are coins of Quintus Oppius made of brass with a zinc content of 15-20% (Veronelli G. Note sull'emissione in oricaico di Q. Oppius (CRA 550/Per-c) / / Annotazioni Numismatiche. 1991. Anno 1. Ser. I. P. 12 f.; Crawford. Op. cit. P. 577; Craddock, Biirnetf, Preston. Op. cit. P. 56). Some researchers (for example, Crawford. Op. cit. P. 574) believe that the mentioned proconsul issued these coins in the late 80s BC. However, the arguments of those scientists who refer this coinage to the time of Julius Caesar (Martini R. Le emission bronze di Julius Caesar anome dei prefetti C. Clovius seem convincing e Q. Oppius. Note introduttive // Ermani A. Arslan. Studia Dicata. Pt. II, Glaux. Milano, 1991. P. 369-376; Callatay. Op. cit. P. 326f.

(78) Callatay F.de. La politique monetaire de Mithridate VI Eupator, roi du Pont (120-63 av. J.C.) // Rythmes de la production monetaire de 1'Antiquite a nos jours. Numismatica Louvaniensia 7. Louvain-la-Neuve, 1987. P. 55-66.

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the use of brass only in coinage[79], which was probably necessary to maintain the artificially inflated (about twice) exchange rate of sesterces and dupondiums compared to the value of the metal contained in them. At the time of Augustus, it is known that one aureus weighing 7.85 g was equal to 25 denarii weighing 3.79 g, each of which was equal to 4 sesterces weighing 25.02 g. Thus, it is not difficult to calculate that the ratio of the value of gold-silver-aurichalka in the form of coins was approximately 1: 12: 320. At the same time, judging by Diocletian's Edict of Prices, this ratio was different for the values of metals proper, namely: 1 : 12 : 720. Although the latter ratio is given for a period more than 300 years after the reign of Augustus, there is no substantial reason to doubt that the relative value of precious metals and copper alloys has changed markedly during this time. A comparison of these ratios leads to the conclusion that the cost of coins from aurichalka was at least twice as high as the cost of the metal from which these coins were made [80].

The minting of brass and copper coins meant the transition to conventional value coins. Brass was practically a completely new alloy for coinage from the point of view of the general population. In addition, due to the complexity of the metallurgical process of its production, as well as due to the relative scarcity of zinc ore deposits, it was easy to ensure a state monopoly on the use of brass exclusively for minting, so coins made of a new alloy could be attributed completely artificial value, and therefore, their implementation could bring the state a large profit. Copper, like aurichalcum, was chosen because it was not previously used for issuing coins, i.e. it was convenient for making coins of inflated nominal value. Bronze was not used in this case, since it was well known as the metal of ordinary coins and was not suitable for the production of "conditional" money.

The need for monetary reform in the middle of the first century BC in Rome matured along with the unacceptable loss in weight of the copper coin unit - acca. It was possible to choose the "Egyptian" way-to replace them with new, much heavier assas (just remember the Ptolemaic bronze coins of the III century BC weighing up to 80 g). However, Julius Caesar made a much less wasteful decision: to use a completely new alloy for coinage - brass, which brought the dictator a huge income from the innovation introduced. Researchers call Caesar's financial policy brilliant(81). However, it must be recognized that the very idea of introducing new alloys into coinage did not belong to Julius Caesar, who only skillfully used it at the right moment. Mithridates VI and his entourage are rightly credited with the discovery and widespread use of the method of obtaining additional funds, combating inflation and the shortage of coin metals by introducing coins of fully conditional value made from new copper-based alloys. The ways in which this brilliant discovery in the economic sphere developed and spread to various areas of the ancient world are the subject of another special study.

(79) Grant М. From Imperium to Auctoritas. Cambr., 1946. P. 88; Craddock. The Composition... 3. P. 1.

(80) Burnett, Craddock, Preston. Op. cit. P. 268. The cost of aurichalcum was probably about twice that of bronze, as can be seen from the fact that the Republican ace weighing more than 25 g was most likely overestimated by Augustus as dupondium, which weighed 13.65 G. (ibid., p. 267), and, in addition, the weight of one dupondium from aurichalcum was significantly lower than the weight of two post-reform copper assays (each about 11 g) (Zograf A. N. U. K. op. p. 53; Grant M. Asses of Orichalcum / / Centennial Publication of the American Numismatic Society/ Ed. by N. Ingholt. N.Y., 1958. P. 287; idem. From Imperium to Auctoritas, P. 90).

(81) Grant. From Imperium to Auctoritas. P. 89.

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