Keywords: ORT, Zanzibar, Union State, federalism, Constitution

2015 is the year of the referendum on a new constitution, presidential and parliamentary elections in the United Republic of Tanzania (ORT) and Zanzibar, which is an autonomous unit within ORT. This year, the union relations in Tanzania are undergoing another test of strength.

Modern Tanzania appears as a quasi-federal system, de jure-unitary. Whether ORT was a de facto federal state is debatable. It is planned to turn the Union into a federation already in accordance with the"letter of the law". The goal of the transformation is to meet the demands of the opposition by officially recognizing federalism, neutralize Zanzibar separatism, keep the archipelago* within the United Republic, and ultimately preserve the Union.

However, does the constitutional reform provide for a change in the structure of the State structure of Tanzania "in essence"?

The situation in today's Tanzania and its island part - on Zanzibar - in terms of the intensity of political passions, allows us to draw an analogy with the "time of politics" (swah. - Zama za Siasa) at the turn of the 1950s-1960s. This is a period of inter-and intra-party struggle on the eve of independence and the ^January 1964 revolution in the archipelago, which was the prologue to the formation of the union of Zanzibar with Tanganyika and the creation of a United Republic in 1964.1 Now, as then, the future of Zanzibar is being decided. This comes at a time when many Zanzibaris are questioning the legitimacy of the ORT, the mainland is demanding the return of Tanganyika's official status, and more and more Tanzanians are calling for the country's transition to "real" federalism.

For the entire period of the union state's existence, its leaders insisted that ORT was not a federation.² However, the very nature and meaning of the Union, in the words of Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere (1922-1999), remained "the most misunderstood aspect" of the country's political development.³ Frank Carlucci (in the mid-1960s - US Consul General for Zanzibar) believed that even after signing the document on the unification of the archipelago with the "mainland" in April 1964, Zanzibar President Abeid Amani Karume (1905 - 1972) was under the impression that he agreed to the creation of a federation of two autonomous states, and not a centralized one the union envisioned by the Articles of Union of ¹⁹⁶⁴⁴

Zanzibar resisted incorporation into the common Tanzanian space as "only one of" the regions of ^the United Republic5. Throughout the history of union relations in Tanzania, the essence, "content" of the autonomous status of Zanzibar has changed. Zanzibarans imagined that the archipelago's autonomy was constantly shrinking. Their opponents on the mainland believed that Zanzibar, on the contrary, gradually achieved the position of a de facto sovereign state within the Union.

Until 1977, the Afro-Shirazi Party of Zanzibar (Afro-Shirazi Party, ACP) remained independent from the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU), which ruled mainland ORT. After the assassination of A. A. Karume in April 1972,6 Aboud Jumbe (Minister of State in the Office of A. A. Karume) became ^the second President of Zanzibar. During the years of his leadership of the archipelago (1972-1984), as a result of the merger of the TANU and the ACP in 1977 into the United Revolutionary Party (suah. - Chama cha Mapinduzi / Chama cha Mapinduzi-CHM) and due to the constitutional recognition of the ruling party as the main actor in politics in the country, a new stage of integration of Zanzibar, its inclusion in the political and economic life of the country has begun.-

* Zanzibar is an archipelago that includes the island of Zanzibar proper (swah. - Unguja), the islands of Pemba, Tumbatu and several others (author's note).

the legal system of the United Republic.

Political activity in Tanzania, according to the Constitution, was carried out directly by the party or under its leadership and control. The CHM had the right to make a "final decision on any issue" ⁷ of foreign and domestic policy, including union relations. The one-party system thus served as one of the pillars of the union of the two subjects of the United Republic. Over the years, this fact became even more apparent when the Union began to "crack at the seams"with the introduction of multi-party system in Tanzania in 1995 and the loss of the HHM monopoly position...

CRISIS OF UNION RELATIONS: MID-1980s

Under A. Djumba, there was a noticeable liberalization of political life on the islands. In 1979, while still having its own parliament and government, Zanzibar received a constitution that provided for the creation of a separate legislative body-the House of Representatives (before that, the archipelago was governed by decrees of the Revolutionary Council).

Representatives of the new generation of Zanzibar leaders sought closer integration with the "mainland". But there were also voices of dissatisfaction with the policy of bringing the archipelago closer to mainland Tanzania, which they considered responsible for the degradation of Zanzibar's once-thriving agricultural economy. This is, to a certain extent, a myth.

Zanzibar's economy has always been vulnerable, both because of its reliance on monoculture (clove production) and because of external factors. At the same time, the population grew more than 4 times by the mid-2000s (1.3 million people, in the early 1960s-just over 300 thousand). Revenues from cloves , the archipelago's main export crop, were largely dependent on fluctuations in world prices. In recent years, there has been a noticeable downward trend in the production of this crop. Zanzibar, like the rest of Tanzania, is experiencing a lack of resources, economic difficulties and a severe dependence on external assistance.

...Discussions on the Union also continued. 1983-1984 They were marked by the decline of the Tanzanian economy, which led to an aggravation of the political situation and a crisis in union relations. As a result of the split in the party caused by discussions about the nature of the union between Tanganyika and Zanzibar, A. Djumbe lost his posts.

He believed that the Union is not unitary, but federal in nature and should be governed not by two, but by three governments - in addition to the existing union and Zanzibar, a government should also be formed for Tanganyika-the continental part of the country. ⁸

The Zanzibar leader also tried to challenge the legitimacy of the constitutional provision that all State activities in the country are subject to party decisions. The pathos of the document drawn up by Djumbe and his associates was that the abolition of the Tanganyika government as a result of the formation of the union state was not so much an act of generosity on the part of a "larger partner" willing to give up its sovereignty, but rather a means of turning Tanganyika into Tanzania. Similarly,

The supremacy of the HCM was, in Jumbe's view, nothing more than the supremacy of the TANU in Union affairs, which ultimately negated the autonomy of Zanzibar.

The authorities of the insular part of the United Republic openly demanded greater independence for Zanzibar. However, the head of the party and state, Julius Nyerere, could not allow such "pollution of the political atmosphere"⁹. Considering it necessary to maintain the status quo in Tanzania, i.e. the existing structure of the State structure with two Governments, he regarded the actions of the Zanzibar President as a threat to allied relations. And at the CHM congress in Dodoma in 1984, Aboud Jumbe was impeached.

THE DASHING NINETIES OF ZANZIBAR

After the removal of A. Djumbe, Ali Hassan Mwini, a supporter of preserving the Union, and more compliant than Djumbe, took over the posts of first vice-president of ORT, chairman of the Revolutionary Council and President of Zanzibar. Replacing Julius Nyerere, who resigned as President, A. H. Mwigny became Head of State (1985-1995). Idris Abdul Wakil was elected as the fourth President of Zanzibar (1985-1990) to replace Mwinia. Salmin Amour became the fifth President (1990-2000) of Zanzibar.

Since the beginning of the 1990s, drastic changes in the economic and political life of ORT have begun, and a new stage in the history of the union state has begun.

In 1990, Nyerere also left the post of Chairman of the CHM and was replaced by Mwigny, who thus received even more powers to carry out reforms. In 1991, the President initiated the " Nyalali Commission "(named after Chief Justice Francis Nyalali), whose experts proposed constitutionally consolidating the principle of multiparty, which was implemented in 1992. The "Nyalali Commission" also recommended that the Government move to a three-government system, i.e. adopt a federal model for Tanzania, but this idea did not get much traction. support services.

In 1993, a group of 55 mainland deputies debated in the National Assembly (Parliament) a bill to form a third government for mainland Tanzania, which was a reaction of the "Mainlanders" to Zanzibar's unilateral attempt to join the Organization of the Islamic Conference (since 2011 - the Organization of Islamic Cooperation).

Nyerere considered this document as a threat to the unity of the country, demanded to consider the issue with the participation of all members of the PMU, and the bill was repealed in 1994. In 1999, the recommendation of the committee headed by Judge Robert Kisanga (Kisanga Committee) to switch to a three-government system was again ignored by the country's leadership.

To this day, all the presidents of both Tanzania and Zanzibar are nominees of the ruling party, and its policy remains the same - to preserve the Union and the system of two governments. However, within the Revolutionary Party, the struggle between groups did not stop, and some Tanzanian oppositionists left its ranks.

Opportunistic change of "political orientation", transition from one political camp to another, violation of party discipline is a common practice. For example, during the crisis of the 1980s, CHM member Seif Sharif Hamad criticized Aboud Jumbe and advocated strengthening the Union and a two-government system. Currently, the leader of the Zanzibar opposition, S. S. Hamad, who has been the First Vice-President of Zanzibar since 2010, defends the principle of three Governments.¹⁰

Political confrontations and tensions within the Zanzibar leadership intensified in the 1990s. Various groups, including those with a religious orientation, became more active, demanding a revision of the model of relations in the union state. Among the newly formed parties that have become in opposition to the PMU are the Civil United Front (GOF, swah. - Chama cha Wananchi / Civic United Front), which advocates for greater independence for Zanzibar ¹¹. The core of the GDF was made up of former members of the Umma Party, which disbanded itself after the 1964 revolution in Zanzibar, who formed a dissident group within the ACP, and then within the CHM.

Since the mid-1990s, the situation in the archipelago has been determined by the confrontation between the CHM and the GOF: conflicts, demonstrations and clashes on political and religious grounds have become more frequent, due to violations in the parliamentary and presidential elections and dissatisfaction with their results.

Since the first multi-party elections in 1995, electoral campaigns in the islands have been tense. Three times during the race for the post of president of Zanzibar, candidates from the CHM defeated the nominee of the GOF Seif Sharif Hamad by only a small margin (50.2% - 53%). In the early 2000s, Tanzanian President Benjamin Mkapa (1995-2005), a supporter of a strong union state, authorized the use of repressive measures to stop riots and Islamist protests.

The sixth President of Zanzibar (2000-2010), Amani Abeid Karume, son of the first President Abeid Amani Karume, used the slogan of preserving the union between the two countries in his election campaign.-

the northern and continental parts of ORT. Under his leadership, in 2001, negotiations were initiated between the CHM and the GOF and a second peace agreement was concluded (swah. Mwafaka/Muafaka/Муафака. The first refers to 1999). In accordance with the agreements, the Constitution and electoral legislation of Zanzibar were amended, which the opposition insisted on ¹².

The third attempt to achieve "national reconciliation" in Zanzibar was the result of ongoing debates over the status of the archipelago and disputes over whether the oil and gas resources clause* should be included in Union Matters. In 2009, an oral "gentlemen's agreement" of understanding was concluded between Amani Karume and S. S. Hamad13. It paved the way for an all-Zanzibar referendum in July 2010, which resulted in the formation of a Government of National Unity (PNE)in Zanzibar ^.14 It includes opposition figures.

The establishment of the PNE and the procedure for its formation are stipulated in the 10th Amendment to the Zanzibar Constitution of 1984, approved by the Zanzibar House of Representatives in August 2010. The significance of this constitutional reform goes far beyond a routine procedural issue concerning the internal affairs of Zanzibar.

Independently, by unilaterally changing the Constitution in its most important point-on executive power, Zanzibar positioned itself as a sovereign state within the ORT. In the next round of political tug-of-war, Zanzibar won ¹⁵.

Its Basic Law has come into conflict with the Union constitution, which creates a legal conflict and effectively annuls the Union. The CHM calls for a review of the 10th Amendment, as it undermines the primacy of the Union Constitution.¹⁶ In turn, the opposition in mainland Tanzania saw the Zanzibari political maneuver as an example that Tanganyikans should follow.

Opponents of the ruling party suggested using the current situation as an excuse to reform the union constitution, create an independent government for Tanganyika, which would turn Tanzania into a confederation consisting of equal status partners. ¹⁷ However, the fact that ORT is "A Two - State Country" seems to be a fait accompli for some opposition politicians.¹⁸

So what's happening in Zanzibar is causing a chain reaction.

* Tanzania is actively exploring for oil and gas resources. Gas discovered on the southern coast of Tanganyika: a field is being developed in the Lindi area. Songo-Songo), discovered reserves southeast of Dar es Salaam - in Kimbiji. The presence and volume of oil and gas resources in other regions of ORT have not been definitively confirmed. The discovery of oil has been repeatedly reported, but development has not yet begun (author's note).

reaction on the mainland, and therefore in allied relations. Despite the achievement of a certain internal consensus, it is premature to talk about the stabilization of the socio-political situation in Zanzibar.

The activity of Muslim radical organizations that provoke public discontent with the existing regime and use violent methods has increased. For example, the pro-secession Zanzibar Association for the Mobilization and Dissemination of Islam (Uamsho) stepped up its activities after the creation of the PNE, expressing disagreement with the fact that the GDF was moving closer to the PMU19. The rhetoric of the Civil United Front itself combines religious-fundamentalist and liberal-pro-Western ideas in a bizarre way, and the goal is to blackmail the ruling authorities. According to one of the party's prominent figures, Ismail Jussa, if Zanzibar does not have a Western-style democracy, citizens will seek an alternative in Sharia law and political Islam. ²⁰

However, the recent cooperation between the GOF and the Zanzibar branch of the CHM is a pragmatic step in view of the emerging prospects for changing the structure of the state with the adoption of a federal model and granting the archipelago greater autonomy.

We are talking about creating an" independent economy "on the islands and the possibility for local political elites, if hydrocarbon reserves are discovered off the coast of Zanzibar, to share the "resource pie" without the participation of the"mainland". Any political move has an economic background, but each time it gets a historical and cultural justification: the common interests of the opposition and the local wing of the ruling party in the archipelago are based on an ideological basis in the form of the concept of "Zanzibarism" (Zanzibariness), ideas about the" special way " of Zanzibar ²¹.

NEW "TIME OF POLITICS"

Proponents of revising the foundations of union relations in Tanzania have very strong formal and legal arguments. There is documentary evidence that the Tanganyika Legislature approved the "Articles of Union". Regarding the Zanzibar side, some sources question whether all legal formalities were followed and the document was indeed ratified by the Zanzibar Revolutionary Council.²²

The members of the Rev Council, following the leaders of Zanzibar, agreed with the conclusion of the Union and accepted it without objection. ²³ However, in the eyes of today's supporters of independence of Zanzibar, this fact is no longer sufficient to recognize the Union as legitimate: since the document was not signed,it is not binding. In the 2000s, the Islanders unsuccessfully tried in the High Court of Zanzibar to get the Union declared invalid.

Disputes over whether the association agreement entered into force "with the tacit consent" (ratio by acquiescence) of the Zanzibar parliamentarians or whether it still passed the necessary procedures continue. However, the "Articles on the Union" were legally consolidated in the "Acts on the Union" - two laws that were ratified in 1964 by the competent authorities of both parts of the new state.

In a speech on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the creation of ORT in 2004, President B. Mkapa, who described himself as a "loyal Tanzanian" and a "dedicated African nationalist", ²⁴ stressed that Tanzania is a Union, not a federation. He reminded doubters that the idea of federalism as a mechanism to make the Union more "loose" was discussed from the very beginning by the "founding fathers"and was rejected, and the reasons for rejecting the federal model "remain in force to this day" ^.25

Regional economic interests ultimately determine the development of the political situation in Zanzibar, on the mainland, as well as in relations between the members of the Union. They are the ones that hide behind the external form of Zanzibar separatism, behind discussions about the structure of government and the unequal distribution of powers in the Union, about the fair sharing of costs and benefits, including the distribution of state revenues and foreign aid.

Meanwhile, when talking about" imbalances"," distortions "and" asymmetries " in the Union, it is important to keep in mind some formal indicators. According to the 2012 census, Tanzania has a population of almost 45 million, including 1.3 million archipelagos26, or approximately 3%, while Zanzibar receives 4.5% of ORT revenues and requires 10%27.

The asymmetry of the Tanzanian model lies in the presence of different status subjects: in the union state, only Zanzibar has a set of institutions that ensure its legal status as a subject of association.

The President of Zanzibar heads the Government of Zanzibar and is responsible for the internal affairs of islands that are not, under Non-union matters, the responsibility of the Union. Some members of the Zanzibar House of Representatives are appointed by the President of Zanzibar.

In the unicameral Parliament of ORT, following the results of the general election-

As of 2010, out of 357 seats, 5 additional seats are reserved for deputies from the Zanzibar House of Representatives, i.e. in addition to those reserved for those elected on a general basis by district. ²⁸ The internal affairs of Tanganyika are regulated by the Union Constitution and ORT legislation. The National Assembly of Tanzania "legally serves" not only the United Republic, but also mainland Tanzania, for which the country's political system does not provide for the post of president, and there is no such institution as parliament.

The powers of the President of the United Republic extend to all matters relating to ORT and all other matters relating to Tanganyika. From 1964 to 1995, the positions of first and second Vice-presidents actually existed. They were, respectively, the President of Zanzibar and the Prime Minister of Tanzania (from 1964 to 1985), the Prime Minister of Tanzania and the President of Zanzibar (from 1985 to 1995). The Prime Minister of Tanzania assisted the President of ORT in exercising executive power on the mainland.²⁹

To date, the most discussed issues in ORT are the change in the structure of the executive branch and the issue of Union matters³⁰. The draft of the new Constitution (June 2013) introduced a system of three governments - the Union, Zanzibar and Tanganyika. Instead of the previous 22, 8 Union matters were provided for: foreign policy, defense, citizenship, money circulation, registration of political parties, income tax, corporation tax, customs duties and excise duties.

On December 30, 2013, the second edition of the draft Basic Law was presented to J. P. Blavatsky. Warioboy, Chairman of the Constitutional Reform Commission, to the Union President Jakaya Kikwete.

Its text continued to contain a proposal for the introduction of three Governments. The new constitution is intended to "improve the structure of the Union" in order to strengthen it.³¹

The second version of the Basic Law, which was criticized by the head of the ORT, was radically changed in early 2014, taking into account the official position of the ruling party.³² After two terms as president, J. R. R. Tolkien Kikwete is leaving office with the intention of implementing a new constitution and resolving the "union issue" before the presidential elections scheduled for October 2015.

Opposition figures believe that the course and outcome of the constitutional process in 2013-2014 were predetermined in advance, since the participants of the Constituent Assembly were numerically dominated by representatives of the PMR33.

The third and final version of the constitution, approved by the majority of its members and published in September 2014, has been submitted to a referendum, which is still being postponed.³⁴ There is no provision for three Governments in this text. The two-tier structure (Union and Zanzibar governments) remains in force, but the term "federation", which appeared in the first edition, is also preserved. New Union matters (Air transport, Police, High Court and Court of Appeal, Higher Education, National Examination Board, Meteorology, United Republic Government employees) have been added to the existing seven, bringing the total to 14,35^.

Oil and gas resources were not included in the list of issues of union jurisdiction, which is what the Zanzibarans wanted.³⁶ Zanzibar also gets the opportunity to independently attract external financial borrowings, join regional and international organizations. Reappointment of the President of Zanzibar as the Second Vice-President of Tanzania (Article 96) ³⁷, in accordance with the practice of 1985-1995. ³⁸

Since the formation of ORT, the Tanzanian leadership has been convincing the country's public that federalism is a more costly enterprise than the current system of governance of the union state. According to a survey conducted in March-April 2014 by the Moscow Daily Mail, almost 54% of respondents answered " yes "to the question of whether they agree with the opinion of the current president that"a system with three governments is more expensive for the budget." 42% of respondents gave a negative answer, 4% were undecided ³⁹.

At the ceremony of presenting the second edition of the Constitution in December 2013, the Head of State, J. R. R. Tolkien, said: Varioba cited data collected by the Constitutional Reform Commission. In mainland Tanzania, 61% of respondents approve of the transition to a three-government structure, while 24% are in favor of maintaining the previous two-government system. In Zanzibar - 60% and 34%respectively ⁴⁰. The statistics reflect the contradictions in Tanzanian society on the future fate of the Union: opinions were divided in assessing both the "high cost" and the feasibility of introducing a federal model.

The removal of the three-government principle from the constitution, bypassing the opinion of Tanzanians, forced some dissenting deputies, who in February 2014 united in the UKAWA group (Union for a People's Constitution, Swah. - Umoja wa Katiba ya Wananchi), boycott the work of the Constituent Assembly, and also caused a wave of protests by opposition forces in both the mainland and island parts of the country.⁴¹

Supporters of the UKAWA-affiliated parties CHADEMA (Party for Democracy and Progress, Swahili. -Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo), GOF and NCCR - Mageuzi* (National Convention for Construction and Reform) are unhappy that Tanzania is not getting the "wrong" federalism that the opponents of the ruling party demanded.⁴² The former system with two governments, which earlier representatives of official circles refused to call a federation, has been preserved. Moreover, in the text of the new constitution, it is called "federal".

Thus, the term" federation " in Tanzania now receives formal recognition, and the authorities recognize that ORT was a de facto federation. The creation of a separate government for Tanganyika, at a minimum, does not make sense, since it does not solve the problems facing the country, and at a maximum, it is harmful, since it leads to the collapse of the Union.

Proponents of the CHM do not doubt that the entire period of the United Republic's existence has been marked by a steady improvement in the socio-economic situation in the archipelago. Zanzibar has the potential to become "another Dubai" as an important transport hub, sea and air port, and trade hub for East Africa and its neighboring regions.⁴³ Leaders of the ruling party believe that the Islanders have always benefited from membership in the Union, and even more so than the Tanganyikans.

Calling on Zanzibarans to vote for the new draft of the Basic Law, Ali Karume-the son of the first President of Zanzibar and the younger brother of Amani Karume-claims that this text fully addresses the aspirations of the people of the archipelago. ⁴⁴ Representatives of the official circles urge to ignore the rhetoric used by some opposition politicians aimed at dividing Tanzanians, as well as calls for breaking off union relations, when conducting awareness-raising activities among rural and urban residents on the eve of the referendum. How can the Union be "dissolved" when more than half of the inhabitants of the island part of ORT come from the "mainland", and thousands of immigrants from Zanzibar live on the territory of mainland Tanzania ⁴⁵?

J. Nyerere emphasized the importance of long-standing contacts between the two territories: it was thanks to these ties that the unity of Tanganyika and Zanzibar was considered "natural"⁴⁶. This proximity, Nyerere pointed out, is not only geographical, but also historical, linguistic, cultural, and political.

In the 19th century, the archipelago and the coastal part of Tanganyika were governed from a single center-the Sultan of Zanzibar owned power. Only by a "random combination of historical circumstances" did these territories cease to be one political entity: Great Britain retained Zanzibar, and all of Tanganyika, including the coast, went to Germany. And even when the British took over all of East Africa after the First World War, Tanganyika and Zanzibar remained separate and developed separately from each other.

Nyerere believed that the independence of both Territories provided an opportunity to correct this "accident". And if two friendly, close fraternal states can create an Alliance and preserve it, then there is hope for the unification of all the countries of the continent ⁴⁷. This idea corresponds to the official point of view on the prospects of the Union.

Keeping the Union in its former, two-government form means that the ruling party follows the precepts of Mwalimu Nyerere. At the same time, the first President of ORT ceases to be an absolute authority for all Tanzanians. If he is considered the "father of the nation" on the Mainland, he is considered the "enemy of the nation" by many in Zanzibar.⁴⁸

We are talking about different understandings of "nation", "different nations" and "nationalisms" (Tanganyika, Tanzanian, Zanzibar). The islanders cannot accept the fact that Zanzibar, which was annexed to Tanganyika and became part of Tanzania, has found itself in the status of a periphery in relation to the African mainland. After all, once it was the opposite: in the XVII-XIX centuries. Zanzibar was the political and economic center of the region, and the Zanzibarians were proud of their "high Arab culture" and, according to Pemba native S. S. Hamad, considered themselves more civilized than their brothers in the rest of East Africa. ⁴⁹..

Asymmetric federalism is sometimes used as a forced concession of the center to the demands of local elites, as a tool for "pacifying the region" and preventing secession. Further developments in Tanzania are of interest from the point of view of the theory and practice of federalism. Namely, whether informal methods will be used to preserve the Union in addition to the formal ones.

* Mageuzi ( Swah.) - changes (approx. ed.).

** Mwalimu ( Swahili) - teacher. That's how Tanzanians respectfully called President J. R. R. Tolkien. Nyerere (approx. author's note).

¹ For more information about this period, see: Teterin O. I. Sotsial'no-politicheskoe razvitie Zanzibar. Dis.... Candidate of Historical Sciences, Moscow, Institute of Africa of the USSR Academy of Sciences, 1972, pp. 74-111. (Teterin O. I. 1972. Zanzibar: Socio-political development. PhD (History) thesis. M., Institute for African Studies) (in Russian)

^{Turinskaya H. M.} 2 Federalism in East Africa: "One people, one destiny"? // Asia and Africa today. 2014, N 4, p. 32. (Turinskaya Kh. M. 2014. Federalism in East Africa: "One People, One Destiny"? // Asia and Africa today. N 4) (in Russian)

^{Nyerere J.K.} 3 Freedom and Development: Uhuru na Maendeleo: A Selection from Writings and Speeches 1968 - 1973. L., 1973, p. 176.

^{Wilson A.} 4 US Foreign Policy and Revolution: The Creation of Tanzania. L., Pluto Press, 1989, p. 79.

^{Teterin O. I.} 5 Abeid Amani Karume / / History of Africa in biographies. Moscow, RSUH Publ., 2012. (Teterin O. I. 2012. Abeid Amani Karume // History of Africa in Biographies. M.) (in Russian)

⁶ For more information, see: Teterin O. I. Why and who killed the first President of Zanzibar? // Asia and Africa today. 2012, N 4. (Teterin O.I. 2012. Why and Who Killed the First President of Zanzibar? // Asia and Africa today. N 4) (in Russian)

⁷ Constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania, Moscow, 1980, p. 29.

⁸ Constitutional and Legal System of Tanzania: A Civics Sourcebook / Issa G. Shivji, Hamudi I. Majamba, Robert V. Makaramba, Chris M. Peter. Dar es Salaam, Mkuki na Nyota Publishers Ltd. 2004, p. 72.

^{Shivji I.G.} 9 Pan-Africanism or Pragmatism? Lessons of the Tanganyika-Zanzibar Union / OSSREA. Dar es Salaam, Mkuki na Nyota Publishers. 2008, p. 206 - 212.

¹⁰ Come Back, CA Urges Ukawa Members [23.04.2014] - http://archive.dailynews.co.tz/index.php/local-news/30641-come-back-ca-urges-ukawa-memb ers

^{Brown A.} 11 Political Tensions in Zanzibar: Echoes from the Revolution? // Canadian Journal of Development Studies. 2010. N 3 - 4, p. 631.

^{Shlyonskaya S. M.} 12 United Republic of Tanzania: Handbook, Moscow, IAfr RAS, 2014, pp. 58-67. (Shlyonskaya S. M. 2014. United Republic of Tanzania. M.) (in Russian)

^{Uki A.} 13 Maridhiano and the Government of National Unity, its Impact on Elections and Constitutionalism in Tanzania http://www.kituochakatiba.org...pdf

¹⁴ Zanzibar: 2010 Constitutional Referendum Results - http://www.content.eisa.org.za/old-page/zanzibar-2010-constitutional-referendum-results

¹⁵ Constitution has no Religion or Political Party - it Belongs to All of Us [19.12.2010] - http://www.ippmedia.com/frontend/Pb24210

¹⁶ CCM Wants Zanzibar Constitution Reviewed [27.02.2014] - http://www.thecitizen.co.tz/News/CCM-wants-Zanzibar-Constitution-reviewed/-/1840392/22 23398/-/x6x9g4z/-/index.html

¹⁷ Zanzibar: New Constitution an Example for Tanzania as a Whole [30.03.2011] - http://unpo.org/article/12455

¹⁸ Tanzania: CA Members Form Union to Defend Draft Constitution - http://www.constitutionnet.org/news/tanzania-ca-members-form-union-defend-draft-constituti on

¹⁹ Contagion of Discontent: Muslim Extremism Spreads Down East Africa's Coastline [03.11.2012] - http://www.economist.com/news/ middle-east-and-africa/21565641-muslim-extremism-spreads-down-east-africa's-coastline-co ntagion-discontent?zid=304&ah-e5690753dc 78ce91909083042ad12e30

²⁰ Taking the Spice out of Politics [12.11.2009] - http://www.economist.com/node/14861561?zid=304&ah=e5690753dc78ce91909083042ad12 e30

^{Shivji I., Rutinwa B.} 21 Assessment of Thirty Years of the Zanzibar House of Representatives: 1979 - 2010: Report. University of Dar es Salaam. 2010, p. 29 - 30.

^{Mussa A. Ubwa.} 22 The Union between Tanganyika and Zanzibar: Legality of Additional Matters outside the Articles of Union. Research Paper Submitted to the Faculty of Law. Zanzibar University, Faculty of Law and Shariah. 2005.

²³ Constitutional and Legal System of Tanzania.., p. 50.

²⁴ Whither Africa? Mkapa Breathes Fire [06.04.2014] - http://w\vw.sundaymail.co.zw/?p=2029

^{Haule R.R.} 25 Torturing the Union? An Examination of the Union of Tanzania and its Constitutionality // Zeitschrift fiir auslandisches offentliches Recht und Volkerrecht: Max-Planck-Institut fur auslandisches offentliches Recht und Volkerrecht - http://www.zaoerv.de/66_2006/66_2006_1_b_215_234.pdf. P. 223.

²⁶ Tanzania in Figures 2012 - http://www.nbs.go.tz/nbs/takwimu/references/Tanzania_in_figures2012.pdf

^{Shlenskaya S. M.} 27 Tanzania: 50 years of socio-economic and political development / / Asia and Africa today. 2014, N 7, с. 56. (Shlyonskaya S.M. 2014. Tanzania: 50 Years of Socio-economic and Political Development // Asia and Africa today. N 7) (in Russian)

²⁸ Structure - http://www.parliament.go.tz/index.php/home/ pages/4

²⁹ Leaders who Held the Position of the Vice President Since 1964: Government of the United Republic of Tanzania: The Vice President's Office, 2010 - http://www.vpo.go.tz/document_storage/leaders.pdf

^{Turinskaya H. M.} 30 Political system of Tanzania: from the Union to the Federation? // Asia and Africa today. 2014, N 7, с. 62 - 63. (Turinskaya Kh.M. 2014. Tanzania Political System: From Union to Federation? // Asia and Africa today. N 7) (in Russian)

³¹ Tanzania: Shein - New Constitution is for Stronger Union [14.02.2014] - http://allafrica.com/stories/201402140081.html

³² Tanzania's Katiba Process Dogged by Lack of Trust, Boycotts, Wrangling and Deceit [30.08.2014] - http://www.theeastafrican.co.ke/OpEd/comment/Tanzania-s-Katiba-process-dogged-by-lack-o f-trust/-/434750/2435332/-/pji0dn/-/index.html

³³ Political Battle Heats up in Tanzania over Constitutional Review Bill [30.09.2013] - http://sabahionline.com/en_GB/articles/hoa/articles/features/2013/09/30/feature-01

³⁴ Ikulu Reaffirms Katiba Vote Date [21.01.2015] - http://dailynews.co.tz/index.php/local-news/40616-ikulu-reaffirms-katiba-vote-date

³⁵ The Proposed Draft Constitution of Tanzania (September, 2014) - http://www.constitutionnet.org/files/the_proposed_constitution_of_tanzania sept_2014.pdf

³⁶ bar's CCM, CUF to Push for Gas, Oil to be Taken off Current Law [13.09.2014] - http://www.theeastafrican.co.ke/news/-/2558/2451588/-/5jmepqz/-/index.html

³⁷ The Proposed Draft Constitution of Tanzania (September, 2014)...

³⁸ Chenge Unveils Proposed Constitution in Dodoma [25.09.2014] - http://www.thecitizen.co.tz/News/Chenge-unveils-proposed-Constitution-in- Dodoma/-/1840392/2464678/-/qmrjpo/-/index.html

³⁹ Daily News Polls - http://archive.dailynews.co.tz/ index.php/polls/48-president-jakaya-kikwete-says-running-three-governments-is-more-expens ive-do-you-agree-with-this

⁴⁰ Why Katiba Team has Proposed Three-Tier Union Again [31.12.2013] - http://www.thecitizen.co.tz/News/Warioba-Why-we-have-proposed-3-govts-again/-/1840392/ 2130038/-/gd0klf/-/index.html

⁴¹ UKAWA Threatens to Organize Countrywide Demonstrations [15.08.2014] - http://www.pesatimes.co.tz/news/governance/ukawa-threatens-to-organize-countrywide-demo nstrations

⁴² Zanzibar: Tanzania Opposition Party Calls for Protests after Rejection of Federalist Reform [25.09.2014] - http://unpo.org/article/17551

⁴³ Zanzibar Could Become 'Another Dubai' in EA [14.01.2015] - http://www.dailynews.co.tz/index.php/features/40393-zanzibar-could-become-another-dubai-i n-ea

⁴⁴ Zanzibar Urged to Vote for 'Beneficial' Constitution [09.01.2015] - http://www.dailynews.co.tz/index.php/local-news/40529-zanzibar-urged-to-vote-for-beneficia l-constitution

⁴⁵ Tanzania: Proposed Katiba Roadmap to Country's Development [18.01.2015] - http://allafrica.com/stories/201501190244.html

^{Shivji I.G.} 46 Op. cit., p. 83.

^{Nyerere J.K.} 47 Freedom and Unity: Uhuru na Umoja: a Selection from Writings and Speeches, 1952 - 65. L., 1967, p. 292.

^{Fouere M. - A.} 48 Recasting Julius Nyerere in Zanzibar: the Revolution, the Union and the Enemy of the Nation // Journal of Eastern African Studies. 2014. Vol. 8. Issue 3.

^{Burgess G.T.} 49 Race, Revolution, and the Struggle for Human Rights in Zanzibar: the Memoirs of Ali Sultan Issa and Seif Sharif Hamad. Athens, Ohio, Ohio University Press. 2009, p. 183.

Permanent link to this publication: