The article examines the main stages of the spread of Christianity related to the history of the country, as well as the forms of confrontation between Catholicism and Protestantism in Madagascar. The main types of Christian organizations are analyzed: historical churches, national Malagasy churches, popular Christian organizations, and new Evangelism. All forms of Christianity in Madagascar collided with traditional beliefs, customs, values, and entered into a complex interaction with them. The article examines the mutual influence of Christianity and traditional Malagasy culture. In conclusion, it is said, first, about the development of new forms of religious experience that express the perception of biblical ideas through the prism of Malagasy traditions; secondly, about the continuation of Madagascar's anti-colonial struggle for the establishment of its own cultural values in the field of religion.

Key words: Christianization, Catholicism, Protestantism, historical churches, national churches, popular Christianity, Awakening movement, pastors, prophets, new Evangelism.

Since the beginning of the XIX century, the penetration of Christianity in Madagascar in its various versions has intensified. It began much earlier - the first Catholic missions appeared on the island in the middle of the XVIII century, but they were active only by the second half of the XIX century. Protestant missions arrived on the island at the beginning of the 19th century, they were messengers of the London Missionary Society, representatives of the Anglican Church. The penetration of two religious doctrines - French Catholicism and English Protestantism - into Madagascar took place against the background of a whole tangle of socio-political contradictions, with which the activities of the missions that preached them were closely connected.

First of all, Christianization itself had a hidden meaning - to ensure the penetration of Western influence, and for this influence there was a struggle between Great Britain and France, and success in it depended on the political situation on the world stage. So, the collapse of the Napoleonic Empire and the strengthening of Great Britain in the world predetermined the appearance of Anglican missionaries in Madagascar and the strengthening of the influence of Protestantism.

The rivalry between the two great Powers on the island took place in the midst of a crisis in Malagasy society itself. The country in the recent past has experienced a difficult period of state formation, accompanied by wars with the surrounding peoples, military levies. In Madagascar, there was slavery and the slave trade. All this added to the long-standing contradictions between the Malagasy nobility, merchants, merchants and the impoverished peasants, obreme-

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This led to the growing discontent of the people, the fermentation of minds looking for a way out in religious ideas, including Christian ones.

The Anglican pastor, the Reverend Becker, wrote in 1830: "I have never seen such mental turmoil, such a desire for search, as at present. Religious topics are often discussed with the natives, and it seems that the sermons penetrate the minds of some of them" (cit. by: [Buato, 1961, p. 116]).

Madagascar's Christianization was uneven, depending on the conditions of place and time, and its history experienced its ups and downs, especially during the 19th century.

A natural question arises: why did Christianity spread relatively quickly in a country where traditional beliefs are so strongly developed? The reasons, apparently, are diverse. In addition to the noted crisis state of Malagasy society and the search for new religious guidelines, it can be assumed that some of them are as follows::

1. Malagasy scholar, public figure, pastor Richard Andriamanjato believes that the Malagasy faith was like "pre-Christianity", it had the basis that Christianity "clarified" [Andriamanjato, 1980, p. 21].

Indeed, Malagasy people believe in a single heavenly creator god. With the adoption of Christianity, they began to call the Christian god by the name of Zanahari. The Malagasy people were also impressed by the stories of Christian mythology about angels as intermediaries between God and people. In monotheistic religious and philosophical systems, in particular Christianity, there is a transformation of ancient ideas about spirits: spirits no longer live by themselves, they are responsible to the one God, as "service spirits", they are his creation and are carriers of his will, his messengers. In sacred texts, the nature of angels is described as disembodied, disembodied, similar to subtle substances such as wind, fire, and light. Angels (like spirits in Malagasy beliefs) can be the guardians of water bodies, plants, animals, individuals and collectives, cities, countries, and peoples.

Very important for Malagasy people and close to their beliefs is the religious and mythological representation in Christianity of angels who fell away from God, betrayed him and turned into enemies of God and people-demons (Malagasy people - evil spirits, spirits of enemies of people-sorcerers) [Averintsev, 1972, pp. 76-78].

2. Social contradictions and the growing social activity of the population have somewhat weakened the general belief in spirits and dependence on them. A well-known researcher of Malagasy religious beliefs, J. Fauble, suggested that the belief in spirits keeps mysticism and the viability of religion in force and constantly supports it. When the mystical union with spirits in society weakens, it leads to a weakening of other traditional beliefs, as well as to the introduction of foreign religions [Faublee, 1954, p. 120].

3. Christianity was brought to Madagascar by missionaries, primarily British, later Norwegian, French and American. The missionaries of the London Missionary Society did a great deal of educational work. They created schools where crafts and handicrafts were taught along with general education subjects. The London Mission, established in the capital, Antananarivo, in 1820, specifically sent out skilled workers from England (carpenter, blacksmith, weaver, tanner-shoemaker) to train Malagasy people [Buato, 1961, p.94].

In 1828, in the central part of the island, the Merina people had 28 schools with 2309 students, while the neighboring peoples had 14 schools. In the same year, the first printing house was built, the first primers were published, which was of great importance for the country [Buato, p. 99-100]. Soon the Bible translated into Malagasy was published, and textbooks in the Malagasy language were published. Many temples have become cultural centers. For the Malagasy people, this activity was very important, because on Mada-

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Gascara has always had a great thirst for knowledge, especially in the process of accelerated development. A French teacher named Coppal wrote in 1826 that in Madagascar "... everyone wants to learn to read, everyone goes to school, even old women, and there is probably not a single house where a blackboard with letters written on it hangs " (cit. by: [Buato, 1961, p. 100]).

For the upper strata of society, from which the Malagasy intelligentsia began to form, Christianity was also associated with the expansion of horizons, with the growth of knowledge, with the introduction to science, as many missionaries were engaged in the study of Madagascar, its customs, folklore, which attracted educated Malagasy people.

4. Introduction to Christianity with its divine services, sermons, and especially religious gatherings, where the audience could also take the floor, was both a new form of social activity and a familiar form of speech communication. It is necessary to note the meaning of speech in Madagascar.

Speech is a universal tool for performing any Malagasy ritual. If the Africans have all events and rituals accompanied by a dance with rhythmic music, then the Malagasy people must include speeches using metaphors, proverbs, speeches that turn into poetic stanzas, into a recitative song. Speeches accompany the rites of marriage and birth, funerals, turning over (reburial). These speeches are addressed to the audience, to the ancestors, to God. Speeches in which every word is full of meaning, explicit and hidden, meet and accompany the guest, to which the latter in turn responds with similar speeches. When people gather in the evening, they organize word tournaments.

5. Various forms of Malagasy Christianity, originally intended by missionaries, but later developed under the influence of Malagasy culture, were very important. Adapting to local conditions, missionaries began to use the Malagasy language in worship, and also, noticing the love of Malagasy people for music and poetry, created spiritual hymns as a form of sermons. Understanding the significance of the ancestral cult for the Malagasy people, the preachers introduced prayers to appeal to the ancestors, their glorification. Moreover, traditional Malagasy graves, usually decorated with commemorative signs (alualu) dedicated to the way of life and activities of the deceased, are provided with a cross by Christians, and traditional rites are consecrated by the pastor.

But the most important thing in the process of Malagasy Christianity was the formation of a corps of Malagasy clergy, which was of great importance both for the strengthening of Christianity in the country and for the formation of the Malagasy intelligentsia.

The first spontaneous evangelical preachers appeared among the Malagasy people in the 1930s, during the persecution of Christianity by Queen Ranavaluna I. They were the ones who organized secret religious meetings in their homes.

At the initiative of the London Missionary Society, young Malagasy men who had received their primary education in mission schools were sent to continue their education in England. Students of English universities, returning to their homeland, became teachers, studied the customs and traditions of Madagascar and at the same time were preachers of Christianity. These early Malagasy intellectuals were often teachers, pastors and preachers, as well as researchers all rolled into one.

Such were, for example, Dr. Radzaunah, a graduate of the University of Edinburgh, a doctor, writer, and popular preacher who was not afraid to touch on current political and social issues in his sermons, and Frank Rasuamanan, editor-in-chief of the publication "Friend of Youth" and an active figure in youth Christian organizations. The most popular preachers among the people were J. P. Blavatsky. Andrianaivuravelun, Rainimanga-Rahanami, Radzafetra, Ramanitra, and many others (see Buato, 1961, pp. 152-153).

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Especially important was the extensive training of pastors in the country conducted in the second half of the 19th century by the Lutheran Church , one of the largest Protestant churches in the country. Since 1871, pastors ' schools and a Lutheran Theological College have been operating in the center of the island, in Antananarivo. Later, in the 1890s, similar educational institutions began to appear in other regions of Madagascar (Kartashova, 2011: 80-81).

The training of local cadres was of great psychological importance, because the Malagasy people perceived the Christian truths preached by their tribesmen with great confidence, as something of their own, close to the precepts of their ancestors.

Catholics also set themselves the task of training Malagasy priests. Their activity became more active after 1861, but especially during the period of French colonization, since 1896. In 1939, Ignacio Ramarusandra, appointed by Pope Pius XII, became the first Malagasy bishop, and in 1969, after gaining independence, the first Malagasy cardinal appeared - Jean-Baptiste. Rakutumalala.

Malagasy pastors not only served in the church and preached the Christian faith. They were local intellectuals, educated and better informed than their parishioners. They lived the same life with them, shared their needs, but were better versed in the political situation and possible prospects. Therefore, throughout the history of Madagascar, from the adoption of Christianity to the present day, Malagasy clergymen found themselves in the center of socio-political events, together with their parishioners participated in the socio-political struggle, primarily national liberation, and often led it.

After two Franco-Malagasy wars, ten years of struggle and resistance that cost Madagascar almost half a million victims, by the beginning of the twentieth century, the island's colonization was in full swing. The Governor-General of Madagascar, J. S. Gallieni, set the task to "French Madagascar", to bring "his own civilization". Instead of the concept of Tanindrazana (Ancestral Land), which unites all Malagasy people, French symbolism began to be cultivated [Rabemananzara, 1956, pp. 131-132]. However, all these policies could not suppress the Malagasy identity.

Since 1910, youth Christian circles were established in Antananarivo, inspired by Pastor Raveludzauna. These groups discussed the problems of Malagasy culture and the spiritual revival of Madagascar. The First World War and the participation of 45,000 Malagasy people in it were the impetus for the revival of national identity. The VVS Society (vu - "iron", vato - "stone", sake-Ika - "sprout") became an expression of a new rise in national consciousness, and its initiators and leaders were pastors Raveludzaun, Rabari and Razafimahefa, Father V. Manifatr, a monk of R. Rafiringa. Sections of this secret society - sakelika - spread throughout the country, but soon it was crushed by the colonial authorities, and its leaders were arrested.

At various stages of Madagascar's difficult history, the positions of the two main Christian denominations (Protestantism and Catholicism) were revealed in different ways, their relationships and attitudes to traditional beliefs were formed.

Malagasy people were drawn to Christianity for the reasons mentioned above, as well as succumbing to the deep sense of manna (sacred) inherent in the Malagasy soul. However, the widespread spread of Christianity was hindered, on the one hand, by the traditionally minded circles of Malagasy society, and on the other, by the Anglo - French political contradictions expressed in the confrontation between Catholicism and Protestantism.

The official attitude to Christianity was determined by the positions of the authorities. Thus, King Radama I, who reigned from 1810 to 1828, was a man of sufficient education for his time, who stood on progressive positions. He saw Christianity as an instrument of progress and civilization. Without converting to a new faith, he supported the Christians-

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especially in their educational and charitable activities [Rabemananzara, 1956, pp. 103-104].

After his death, Queen Ranavaluna I (1828-1861), a supporter of traditional customs and beliefs, began to fight the spread of Christianity. The main thing that worried her was the moral and spiritual invasion of the West, the penetration of the European way of life along with Christianity. In 1835, it banned Christianity, expelled Christian missionaries from the island, and closed mission schools. The Queen's policy towards education was determined by her main political course - she was in favor of educating the people, but first of all she sought to preserve intact the Malagasy culture, the Malagasy spirit, and thereby the independence of the country.

The enlightenment was in the hands of foreign religious missions and, in addition to knowledge and skills in crafts, carried the spread of Christian dogmas, new values and norms of behavior, new views and ideas. This was what the Queen feared, seeing new European influences as a serious threat to Madagascar's independence and integrity. Queen Ranavaluna 1 fought the spread of Christianity with extremely harsh methods. Christians were persecuted and demanded to renounce their faith. The Queen declared that "if within a month all those who have been baptized, as well as those who pray in special homes, do not repent, they will be put to death" [Buato, 1961, p.117]. Indeed, executions followed. The martyrology of Christianity has been updated with the names of Malagasy martyrs for the faith.

The affected Christians were converted to the Christian faith mainly by Protestant missionaries, and Protestantism in Madagascar gained a halo of martyrdom.

During the short reign of King Radama II (1861-1863), Madagascar was once again open to foreign influences, and the king proclaimed freedom of religion. Foreign missionaries began to return to Madagascar. In 1861, French Catholic missionaries arrived, who began an active struggle for Christianization and, implicitly, for the expansion of French influence.

Catholic missionaries, especially Jesuits, have won the right to preach in rural communities-Fukunulun-all over the island. Some Catholic missionaries, in addition to their preaching activities, conducted research on the terrain and roads in Madagascar. For thirteen years, Reverends Roblay and Colin were engaged in important cartographic work, which played a significant role in the military operations of the French colonial troops [Buato, 1961, p. 193].

Following the Catholic missionaries, English Protestants returned to the island, and the further activities of the two denominations proceeded in an atmosphere of alternately subsiding and intensifying rivalry, behind which was the rivalry of two great empires.

In the 60s of the XIX century, the number of Christians, primarily Protestants, grew rapidly. In 1868, Queen Ranavaluna II and her Prime Minister Rainilaivuni converted to the Protestant faith, which became the state religion. This step was consolidated by the Queen's decree on the burning of the royal sampis( idols, idols), the famous "palladium of Imerina". This ritual burning of sampi made a huge and ambiguous impression on the inhabitants of Madagascar. The belief in sampi - the material embodiment of spiritual substances that the Malagasy people worshipped and trusted - persisted, and in times of crisis it was strengthened. So, during the national uprising of Menalamba (red lambs - national dress), which covered the entire island and lasted from 1895 to almost 1915, among the leaders of which there were many traditional leaders, a legend arose that the Sampies survived and helped the rebels.

After the state recognition of Protestantism in the country, a large-scale activity of various Protestant churches began: preaching,

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educational and charitable activities. In addition to the Anglican Church represented by the London Missionary Society, representatives of the Norwegian Lutheran Mission arrived in Madagascar, and later, in 1887, missionaries of two American Lutheran churches: the Lutheran Church of America and the United Norwegian Church of America. Like the English missionaries, Lutherans, in addition to the tasks of evangelization, conducted educational work - they opened schools for teaching literacy, teacher training schools for primary school teachers, schools for the disabled, medical colleges, and nursing schools. Of great importance was the development of publishing, which was initiated by English missionaries at the beginning of the XIX century. Lutheran missionaries set up printing houses that published not only religious books, textbooks, and manuals, but also newspapers such as Drug Molodezhi and Vestnik. The development of printing contributed to the birth of Malagasy poetry, the first examples of which were religious hymns [Andriamikhanta, 2006, p. 72-75; Kartashova, 2011, p. 78-83].

Later than other denominations, Quakers who called themselves the "Friends of the Foreign Mission Association" (FFMA) arrived in Madagascar. This church was not an autonomous organization, but operated within the London Missionary Society. Working together with other Protestant organizations, the Quakers retained their own characteristics, for example, they did not consider the rites of communion and baptism necessary. The Quakers ' characteristic was their belief in the spontaneity of the Holy Spirit's condescension, that God dwells in the human heart and that Christ's teaching applies to all aspects of human life. The main form of Quaker work was religious meetings, the creation of houses of worship and schools. They have created an effective school system in rural areas.

One of the social achievements of the Quaker movement in Madagascar was their opposition to slavery and the slave trade. In their sermons, they declared that from the standpoint of Christianity, the possession of slaves and the slave trade are "unclean business." With the beginning of colonial rule, the Quakers took on the task of mediating between French officials and the local population, and as a result, they were integrated into the vertical of power, which had ambiguous consequences for them. The popular protest against colonization, in particular the Menalamba uprising, was also directed against foreign missionaries as accomplices of colonization. Speaking under the slogans of traditional values - "Tanindrazana" ("Land of the ancestors") and" Fihavanana " (unity of people in all areas of life) - the rebels saw the missionaries as carriers of alien values and ideas. As a result, families of missionaries were killed, including Quakers-W. Johnson, P. Mino et al. [Cheremsinov, 2012, pp. 70-75].

At the beginning of the XXI century, 42.2% of Christians in Madagascar are adherents of Catholicism, 57.8% are Protestants [Madagascar..., 2005, p. 42].

At the same time, these figures do not exhaust the vast panorama of Christian organizations that are represented in Madagascar and play a significant socio-political role in the country, especially during periods of cyclical crises. In this panorama, you can outline some major milestones. Four types of Christian organizations are distinguished (with some degree of convention): historical churches; national (Malagasy) churches; movements of "popular Christianity"; sects and "new evangelism"1. Let's take a closer look at each of them.

The international Christian churches represented in Madagascar in the process of Christianization can be called historical. These are the French Catholic Church, the Protestant (Anglican, Lutheran, Quaker, French Protestant) and the Orthodox Church (part of the Zimbabwean Archdiocese of the Patriarchate of Alexandria).

1 Approximately the same classification is given in the article: [Dubourdicu, 2002, p. 70-85].

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In the 50s of the XX century, before the conquest of independence and immediately after its establishment, the transformation of historical churches into national Malagasy churches began, in which the predominant role is played by Malagasy clergy. Obviously, this process is not accidental. The country gained tremendous experience of resistance to colonization, which never subsided, becoming more mature. The national liberation movement had its own leaders, the organization of socio-political parties and movements began, and a national intelligentsia was formed in Madagascar, with many clergymen in its ranks. Many of them took an active part in the anti-colonial struggle. Thus, in the mid-1940s, Pastor Raveludzauna, at a plenary session of the Franco-Malagasy commission, advocated the provision of a Charter by the colonial administration guaranteeing the fundamental rights of the inhabitants of Madagascar. Political parties were formed with the active participation of religious figures. In 1958, Pastor R. Andriamanzatu became chairman of the left-wing Madagascar Independence Congress (AKFM) Party, which fought for the country's true independence. In this situation, it became necessary to update historical Christian churches and give them a national status.

In 1950, the Norwegian Missionary Society, the Evangelical Lutheran Church (USA) and the Lutheran Mission Council (USA) merged to form the Malagasy Lutheran Church. In 1957, almost the entire leadership of the church became Malagasy, and in 1961, at the General synod in Tuliari, it achieved full independence and elected a Malagasy chairman - R. Andrianaridzon.

The Anglican Church in Madagascar adopted the name Malagasy Episcopal Church as early as 1918, and in 1963 the first Malagasy bishop was consecrated. Marcel.

The London Missionary Society in Madagascar, after gaining autonomy, was transformed into the Church of Christ in Madagascar in 1962.

The French Protestant Church became the Church of the Good News in Madagascar in 1958, and its first Malagasy pastor was S.-B. Ralambumahai.

The Quaker Association of Friends of Foreign Missions was transformed in 1958 into the Madagascar Church of Friends, with Malagasy Pastor A. Ramabau becoming its chairman in 1959.

In 1968, three Malagasy churches were united: the Church of Christ in Madagascar, the Malagasy Church of Friends, and the Church of the Good News in Madagascar. The new reformed church was named the Church of Jesus Christ in Madagascar, with Malagasy T. Rasendrahasina as its chairman.

The Catholic Church, which has 300 Malagasy priests and 400 foreign priests, remains unchanged.

In 1980, the Catholic and Protestant (Reformed, Lutheran and Anglican) churches merged to form the Council of Christian Churches of Madagascar. The activities of this organization go beyond religious boundaries - according to the charter, it must take part in the "social and national life of the country" [Madagascar..., 2005, pp. 42-46].

A very interesting phenomenon after conversion to Christianity was the formation of various variants of folk Christianity in all African regions, including Madagascar. In Madagascar, folk Christianity is represented primarily by the movement "Awakening" ("Fifuhazana"). The most common goal of this movement is to establish a consensus (teni - ierana) between Christianity and traditional values, customs and rituals, primarily the cult of ancestors and the church, and to harmoniously combine the meaning of ancestral temples and the church in life [Dubourdieu, 2002, p.72-73].

It is necessary to recognize that with a fairly wide spread of Christianity (Catholicism and Protestantism), there was a certain division of spheres of life.

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Malagasy peace between modern and traditional religions 2. Thus, by recognizing themselves as Christians and attending Sunday services, most even educated families honor their ancestors and perform rituals related to their memory, rituals related to the birth of children and their maturation, as well as observe prohibitions and rules related to traditional customs and astrology. Thus, traditional and modern religious experience interact and influence each other, and traditional religious experience is stronger and more viable due to the peculiarities of Malagasy culture, in which many external cultural influences, obviously Christian, were assimilated and melted down.

It may be difficult to fully agree with G. Ferrand's opinion that Malagasy people are always "unable to convert" to Islam or to various forms of Christianity, and all conversions are only the result of using political circumstances (cit. according to [Fanony and Guenier, 1980, p. 3]). However, it is a fact that Malagasy culture has had a serious impact on Christianity. Paradoxically, under the influence of Malagasy culture, Catholicism in Madagascar began to use the traditional famadihana ceremony. So, in 1971, in Fianarantsoa (a city on a High plateau, a stronghold of Catholicism), the rite of famadihan (reburial) of one of the first bishops of this city (a Frenchman) was performed (cit. according to [Fanony and Guenier, 1980, p. 23-24]).

The Awakening movement is an example of the interaction of two forms of religious experience in Madagascar. This movement emerged at the end of the 19th century on the basis of the Lutheran Church. The founder of the movement was Rainisualamba, a medicine man at the court of the princes of the Betsileu people. Wanting to change his life and gain new knowledge, he was baptized and entered a parish school. Life was not easy for him, he also fell ill with smallpox. In desperation, Rainisualamba appealed to God — and that same night, according to his testimony, Jesus Christ appeared to him, all in white, who suggested that he no longer practice magic and get rid of amulets and other attributes of magic. The next morning, October 15, 1894, Rainisualamba threw away his baskets of magic paraphernalia, washed his body, cleaned the house and yard, and ... recovered. From that day on, Rainisualamba became a zealous preacher, calling on everyone to turn to Jesus Christ, treating the sick with prayer and laying on of hands. Many recovered and became his followers.

In 1895, Rainisualamba and twelve of his closest supporters adopted a set of rules for the life of adherents of the Awakening movement they created: to learn to read and write; to keep houses and yards clean; to plant vegetable gardens to feed the family; to perform traditional rituals without sacrificing bulls, so as not to ruin the family [Kartashova, 2001, pp. 84-86].

These rules of life, which are understandable and attractive to many people, combined with the Lutheran Church's creed, proved to be close to the Malagasy people. The Awakening movement, which operates under the auspices of the Lutheran Church, has spread across the country.

In 1954, a variant of this movement emerged - the Church of the Awakening of the Lord's Disciples, in 1956-the Malagasy Church of the Spiritual Awakening. In general, the variants of the "Awakening" movement differ in the places of residence of the main prophets of the movement, and these areas become cultic and are revered by adherents of the "Awakening".

The following cult centers of the "Awakening" are known: Suantanana (the place of residence of the founder of the movement, the prophet Rainisualambu, 1897.3), Manulutruni (the prophetess Ravelundzanahari, 1927), Ankaramalaza (the prophetess Germaine Woolahava-

2 Similar processes took place, obviously, in Japan (interaction of Buddhism and Shintoism), in Java and Sumatra (interaction of Islam and traditional beliefs), as well as in Russia (dual faith after the adoption of Christianity).

3 After the name of the prophet is given, the date from which the place becomes known as the cult center of the Awakening movement is set.

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na-Neni Lava, 1941), Farihimena (prophet Daniel Rakutuzandrini, 1946), Marupayka (prophetess Rabeharilala Kristin, 2000) [Andriambazakha, 2012, p.78].

It is assumed that the emergence of new prophets and the emergence of corresponding centers is associated with political crises, which is largely confirmed by the history of Madagascar (see: [Andriambazakha, 2012, p. 78; Dubourdieu, 2002, p. 73]).

The main actors of the Awakening movement are the pastors-mpiandri and messengers (messengers, prophets) - of Iraq. The predominant role in the" Awakening " is played by women, about 80% of them are pastors, and the most famous prophetess (messenger) - it was Neni Lava (big mother).

The life of Neni Lava is surrounded by legends, so it is difficult to vouch for the accuracy and consistency in describing the events of her life. Neni Lava was the daughter of a famous magician of the Antaimuru people, famous for their sages and scribes. At the age of 10, she had a vision: a tall man in white robes appeared to her, and she washed his feet. From the age of 12, she heard voices telling her details about the world and the people around her. At the age of 18, she was taken to heaven, where she contemplated the wonders of the Heavenly Kingdom. Illiterate, she asked for the help of Jesus, who taught her the Holy Scriptures as a mentor. Then on earth, she gained accelerated knowledge of not only French, but also the twelve major languages of the world. Finally, after a series of trips to the sky and several challenges (fighting a dragon in the forest, fasting for two and a half months) She was ready for the role of a messenger of the Good News, and in a vision, Jesus entrusted her with the mission of preaching the gospel and casting out demons. At the same time, she herself believed that the main thing for her and her colleagues is to banish evil from her own heart and home [Estrade, 1985, p.320-321].

Later, from 1941, she led the life of a traveling preacher and at the same time engaged in exorcism (exorcism of evil spirits), the fight against witchcraft, healing with the imposition of hands and providing psychological assistance to people in difficult situations. Very important in the activity of Neni Lava was the organization of centers, or centers, of the "Awakening" movement - tubi. The first tubi was organized in the village of Ankaramalaza, where Neni Lava started its activity, and then these hotbeds spread throughout the country.

A special feature of the Awakening movement is its openness to everything new and modern-education, modern medicine, scientific and technical achievements. Thus, in the main tubi in Ankaramalaz, a kindergarten, primary and secondary schools, a clinic, a cathedral were opened, water and electricity were provided [Andriambazakha, 2012, p. 80]. Neni Lava tried to achieve similar conditions in other tubas. At the same time, Awakening pays great attention to the preservation of Malagasy culture, Malagasy values, customs and rituals.

In Tubi, leadership is provided by a committee of senior mpiandri (pastors) elected by the community. Each tubi is supervised by the Lutheran Church, paying special attention to pastors, giving their activities an "apostolic charisma" [Dubourdieu, 2002, p.73].

I was invited to one of the Awakening communities in the vicinity of Fianarantsoa in the 1980s during a visit to the University of Fianarantsoa. We arrived in a clean village, all the inhabitants of which were dressed in white clothes-a symbol of cleanliness. The abundance of wells and the unusual cleanliness of streets and houses were striking. We were told that the community has rice fields and vegetable gardens, forming a significant public fund after the harvest. This fund pays for the education of children and young people in secondary schools (primary school is free) and at the university, as well as provides assistance to sick and large families. This foundation is the basis for organizing traditional Malagasy rituals related to the birth of children, funerals, famadihana, etc. There is a church in the village where three pastors, representing men, women and young people, serve in turn. Typical,

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that the pastor-a representative of the youth-turned out to be at the same time a mathematics teacher at the university, a modern intelligent young man.

We were invited to a meal in a public house, before which there was a ritual washing of the feet of the guests, then a prayer. During the meal, the conversation continued, we were introduced to three pastors, told about the organization of life in Tubi, about the forms of struggle against witchcraft, which is conducted by the Awakening movement.

The Awakening movement has long been active mainly in rural areas. In recent decades, the "Awakening" has begun to organize its centers in cities, including in the capital Antananarivo. This is primarily due to the ideas of national revival, with the trends of Malagasy of the country. That is why the Awakening's desire for consensus, for harmony of traditional values with modernity (shadows of Ieran) has become attractive. The Awakening movement has become attractive to the elite, university professionals, and adherents of other faiths.

In 1972, Neni Lava organized a tuba in Antananarivo called "67 ha", and later other tubas were built in the capital, as well as in other cities. Expanded center (tubi) "67 ha" in 1986 was named "Center of Hope". The success and widespread popularity of the Awakening movement and the tubis it created prompted the leaders of the Reformed Church of Jesus Christ in Madagascar to establish "Revival" centers under their patronage in 1981, and in 1982 to open a "Revival" department in the central administration of the Church. Given the serious political role played by this denomination and its leadership (the recent president, M. Ravalumanana , is the vice-chairman of this church), we can say that the Awakening movement is involved in the political situation in the country, and the Mpiandri pastors play a fairly prominent role in political events [Dubourdieu, 2002, p. 74].

It is interesting to note that in the scenarios of the political struggle in Madagascar, elements of traditional cultural logic are clearly traced, in particular, the archetypal plot of the struggle of angels, divine forces (forces of good) with demons (forces of evil). This logic can be found in almost all cyclical political crises in the country. It is interesting that this logic is actively used by the Malagasy churches, which take the most active part in the political struggle.

In this respect, the acute political struggle between D. Ratsiraka, who was based on atheism, and M. Ravulumanana, a person close to the religious circles of the Council of Christian Churches of Madagascar and holding a high position in the church hierarchy, is indicative. In the struggle for the presidency in the public political space, these two figures appeared in symbolic guise: M. Ravulumanana as a unifier, a fighter against evil, a restorer of traditional fihavanana (unity, union), and D. Ratsiraka as a divider, a bearer of evil, hostile to traditional values. From the lips of church propagandists, calls were made "to expel the demon from the social body of the nation, as in exorcism" [Dubourdieu. 2002, pp. 71-73; Raison-Jourde, 2002, pp. 48-49].

In Madagascar, in addition to historical denominations, there have always been many sectarian organizations known in the world, such as Adventists, Pentecostals, Jehovah's Witnesses, Mormons, Munists, etc. However, in the period from the 1990s to the present, there has been a sharp revival of the activity of the so-called new Evangelism.

In a society where there is such a large stock of faith in symbolic entities, where it is customary to expect help and salvation from them in situations of intermittent crises and huge life difficulties, there is always a favorable ground for the emergence of new saviors. Therefore, the popularity of new evangelicals who preach "theology of prosperity and success" and appeal to the miracles of the "utilitarian God"is not accidental. Churches that profess these truths are often referred to as Pentecostalism (Trinity churches), but it is more accurate to refer them to neo-Pentecostalism

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or the neo-charismatic movement [Dvorkin, 2000, p. 522]. Within the framework of this movement, there are various organizations, the names and nature of which depend on the conditions of their origin and functioning. Madagascar is represented, in particular, by such organizations as the Temple of Wiener (founded in Nigeria in 1988), the Assembly of God and the Church of the Kingdom of God, founded in Brazil. The Wiener Temple and the Assembly of God are built on the assumption that the blessing of God received in these churches will help you get rich and succeed in business.

The Church of the Kingdom of God plays the most significant role in public space, especially in cities. The essence of the church's teaching is that God wants his children to be rich and prosperous, so to seek prosperity is to seek God. Wealth is from God, and poverty is from the devil. God calls upon those who suffer to change their lives dramatically. And to do this, you need to rebel, because rebellion gives you courage, and courage strengthens faith. Rebellion is not needed against God or other people, but against poverty, disease, and circumstances. In the classic confrontation between God and Satan, it is Satan who is the central actor [Dvorkin, 2000, p.532].

In the theology of the Church of the Kingdom of God, there is an element of the "divine conspiracy" theory: the devil is an instrument of God in order to destroy sin, " the enemy of God is transformed into a means of conversion "(Dubourdieu, 2002, p. 83-84).

The Church of the Kingdom of God combines the heritage of the First Pentecostalism, the practice of miracle-working and exorcism of traditional religions and ultra-modernism in its teaching and activities. This church is developing according to the model of American TV evangelists, according to the logic of business and marketing. It does not have a developed clergy, permanent churches as places of finding a collective identity. Any place is used, such as commercial warehouses, which become a "point of contact", while television is more often used for sermons. Direct contacts of a person with God, without an intermediary, are declared. Various campaigns take place in the Kingdom of God Church: the campaign "for success", in support of rebellion, the campaign against diseases, etc. On campaign days, debates are held around each topic, prayers are read both in improvised churches and on the radio [Dubourdieu, 2002, p. 81-83].

The new evangelists attract young people who see "classical" church organizations as outdated and stagnant. Young people are attracted by the absence of intermediaries between man and God, as well as the ideas of rebellion, freedom of man to choose his fate, and the desire for success and prosperity. The country is tired of crises, instability and poverty, so some are attracted to these new, though obviously false, non-Christian creeds.

Thus, the religious experience in Madagascar has been constantly evolving since the adoption of Christianity and continues to evolve in our time. The search is being made for new forms of religious experience, religious thought that express the relationship between biblical revelation and the Malagasy religious and cultural tradition, as well as meet the modern needs of the country and people.

It should be noted that the processes of developing religious experience and consciousness are at the same time a continuation of Madagascar's anti-colonial struggle to assert its own civilizational values against the ideas and values of the Western world.

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Andriambazakha R. The Last Prophet of Madagascar // In the mysterious country of Madagascar. Year 2008. Moscow, 2012.

Andriamihanta E. S. Lutheran Church of Madagascar // In the mysterious country of Madagascar. Year 2005. Moscow, 2006.

Buato P. Madagascar. Essays on the history of the Malgash nation, Moscow, 1961.
Dvorkin A. Sectology. Experience in systematic research. Nizhny Novgorod, 2000.

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Kartashova L. Madagascar. Moscow, 2011.

Madagascar. Spravochnik, Moscow, 2005.
Rabsmanandzara R. V. Madagascar. Istoriya malgashskoy natsii [History of the Malgash Nation], Moscow, 1956.
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Andriamanjato R. Le Tsiny et le Todi dans la pensée malgashe. Antananarivo, 1980.

Dubourdicu L.J. De la guérison des corps à la guérison de la nation. Réveil et mouvements évangéliques à l'assault de l'espace public // Politique africaine. 2002. Juin. № 86.

Rstradc J.-M. Un culte de possession à Madagascar: le tromba. P., 1985.

Fanony F., Gucnicr N.J. Le movement de conversion à l'islam et le role des confréries musulmanes dans le Nord de Madagascar // Cheniement. 1980. T. XI. № 1 4.

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