Keywords: Rwanda, genocide, historical memory, international forums

On April 15, the presentation of the book "Bisesero: Rwanda's Warsaw Ghetto"by French publicist and researcher Serge Farnel took place in Kigali.¹

Farnel spent several years collecting testimonies from Rwandans living in the Bisesero region in the south-west of the country about the uprising of several tens of thousands of Tutsis, who, having left for the mountains with the beginning of ethnic cleansing, used bows and arrows, daggers, hoes, clubs and stones for two months to repel attacks by Interahamwe ² * militants and others. the Presidential Guard, as well as soldiers of the Rwandan army and... French?

At least in the book published by Farnel, there are stories of resistance veterans (about a thousand of them survived in total), as well as local residents who observed logistical support and even artillery shelling of the Bisesero Mountains by mysterious French-speaking white soldiers.

Three resistance veterans invited to the presentation made very emotional speeches, in which they confirmed the version of participation in the punitive operation abazungu ("white"). Of course, no evidence has been provided that even if these mysterious "whites" did exist, they were soldiers of the French army.

The resistance members who delivered their harsh accusatory speeches were obviously simple illiterate villagers (as it turned out later, they do not speak French, English, or even Swahili**). In their still seething memories, the image of the "whites" responsible for the deaths of their loved ones has been preserved. Their violent speeches sometimes crossed the line of anti-white racism, so that the Rwandan woman who translated their speeches for me even felt uncomfortable, and she began to apologize to me for her compatriots:

- You see, these are uneducated villagers, for them all white people are the same, they do not see any difference between you, because they rarely see white people at all, and they have experienced such stress...

"But how do they communicate with other Rwandans," I asked, " since, in any case, their own people were directly involved in the Tutsi murders?"

- Well, you know, it's still their own, with their own always one relationship, and with strangers - other. Rwandans who participated in the genocide were punished and then asked for forgiveness. And none of the whites ever apologized to them. Except for Serge [Farnel]...

Farnel's book also deals in detail with the mysterious story of the murder of about 800 Tutsis in the Bisesero area between June 27 and 30, 1994, that is, already during the French army's "Turquoise" humanitarian operation in this area. According to the officially recognized version of these events, the French soldiers, who convinced the rebels that the war was over for them, and promised that they would soon be taken under their protection and evacuated by special transport peacekeepers, left them to wait for help and left the area, after which they were immediately attacked by Hutu punitive detachments operating there.

According to another version, which is strongly denied by the French government, the French soldiers themselves deliberately passed information to the militants about the Tutsi who left their hiding places and were even present during the massacre, which became the final act of the dramatic events in Bisesero.

When I later asked my driver, who had managed to escape to Burundi during the genocide, what he knew about the involvement of French soldiers in the Tutsi genocide, he confirmed that they had at least participated in identity checks on the population along with Interahamwe fighters and handed over Tutsis they found to the latter. When asked if he had seen it with his own eyes, my interlocutor replied that he had not personally seen it, but "many people have seen it", and "many people talk about it".

It is obvious that after 20 years, and even after the powerful propaganda processing of a rather receptive population by the new government, it is sometimes extremely difficult to distinguish reliable information from rumors, speculation and ideologically formed "collective memory". Be that as it may, I am confident that the French were not only indirectly (by providing the Habiarimana regime, and later the so - called "transitional government" with political and financial support), but also directly involved in Geno-

Ending. For the beginning, see: Asia and Africa today. 2015, N 2.

* Interahamwe (Kinyarwanda) - organization of Hutu paramilitary militia units. They played a key role in the 1994 Tutsi genocide.

** Swahili, the official language in Tanzania, Kenya and Uganda, is also spoken in other East African countries, where it is used as a language of interethnic communication (editor's note).

Today, the Tutsi Tso is shared, in my opinion, by the overwhelming majority of Rwandans.

Thus, the interview of President Paul Kagame (see below) was very well received in Rwanda itself, and the subsequent demarche of the French government caused a wave of patriotic feelings and further strengthened the presidential rating.

LES FAITS SONT TETUS*: KAGAME'S INTERVIEW AND SUBSEQUENT REACTION

"We must not forget-even if today it has once again become a taboo topic-about the key role in the historical foundations, but also in the implementation of the genocide, of the same Western powers that today personally establish the rules of effective governance and the norms of democracy. They would like Rwanda to become a normal country now, as if nothing special had happened in it. This would give them the opportunity to forget about their own responsibility, but it is impossible. Take, say, France. Twenty years later, the only reproach they have accepted is that they did not do enough to save lives during the genocide. Although this is true, it masks the most important thing-the direct role of Belgium and France in the political preparation of the genocide and participation in its implementation.

"Participation or complicity?"

"Both! Talk to survivors of the Bisecero massacre in June 1994 and they will tell you what the French soldiers did there during Operation Turquoise. As in the entire territory of the so-called safe humanitarian zone, they were accomplices, but also participants. " ³

The April 6 issue of Jeune Afrique magazine with the above-quoted excerpt of President P. Kagame's interview, which, as we can see, also mentions the events in Bisesero, became available to Kigali residents only on Wednesday, April 9. It was only on this day that they were finally able to read what had been the subject of intense and heated discussions in the media, political and intellectual circles, and in the daily conversations of ordinary Rwandans over the past few days.

When President Kagame addressed his fellow citizens and guests on April 7 on the occasion of the 20th anniversary of the genocide at the crowded Amahoro Stadium in the capital, the vast majority of those attending the ceremony had not yet had a chance to read the text. They could only guess at the exact words that had so offended the French government. Although, as Rwanda's Foreign Minister Luisa Mushikiwabo rightly pointed out, there really wasn't anything fundamentally new or sensational in this interview. So when Kagame, in a speech at the stadium, expressed unequivocally his attitude to the very clumsy attempt of French politicians to "protect the honor of the republic" by boycotting mourning events in Kigali, it became obvious that the Rwandan authorities were not only not embarrassed by this turn of events, but also managed to extract some political benefits from it.:

"It is impossible to bribe or force people to change their story. And no country is powerful enough to change the facts, even if some people think they are. After all... at last... Les fails sont tetus".

The facts are known. And the fact that President Kagame, an Anglophone speaker who never speaks French and hardly speaks it at all, ⁴ said this iconic phrase in French, also leaves little reason to doubt who it was addressed to in the first place. The stadium erupted into a standing ovation.

At the same time, it was very noticeable that the controversy with official Paris did not affect the generally friendly attitude towards French citizens (in contrast to the previous crisis of Franco-Rwandan relations in 2006, which was accompanied by a certain increase in Francophobia in Rwanda).

Since I first visited Rwanda in 2009 as a member of the anthropological expedition of the Institute of Africa of the Russian Academy of Sciences ⁵, the prestige of the French language has once again risen in the country. Then it seemed that in the next few years it would be completely displaced from the public sphere by English (given that the main language of communication remains, of course, Kinyarwanda). However, public policy in this area has gradually changed, and now English and French are used equally in cities, although English still has a higher status.⁶

Rwanda's foreign policy has become more skilful, balanced, and generally more mature. Much credit for this belongs to Louise Mushikiwabo, who has been at the helm of the state's foreign policy since December 1, 2009 and has already managed to become a kind of brand of modern, "new Rwanda", one of the most famous female statesmen in Africa.

In 2011, The African Report ranked Louise Mushikiwabo as one of the 50 most famous and influential women in Africa, emphasizing that her extensive experience in international organizations, prior to being invited to the Rwandan Government in 2008, and her high profile in Rwandan society make her one of the key figures of President Kagame's team.⁷ It is impossible, of course, to ignore the outstanding intellect and creative abilities of L. Mushikiwabo, who is the author of many articles on political and cultural-historical problems of Rwanda and Africa in general, as well as the author of the autobiographical book "Rwanda means the Universe" (Mushikiwabo L., Kramer J. Rwanda Means the Universe. N.Y., 2006). And, of course, her charm, sense of style and honed over the years ability to win over the interlocutor.

In his welcoming speech

* Les faits sont tetus - The facts are known.

to the guests of the ceremony at the Amahoro Stadium, L. Mushikiwabo introduced the heads of state, government, honorary guests and heads of diplomatic missions who were present on the podium in turn, and concluded the introductory part with a very effective phrase: "Rwanda has many friends in France, and today many of them are present here. We welcome them warmly." Of course, this remark emphasized not only, and perhaps not so much, the benevolent attitude towards the guests from France as the attitude towards the demonstrative absence of the official delegation representing the French government at the ceremony.

Later, at a special media briefing, Mushikiwabo again commented on the cancellation of the French delegation's visit, calling it a "diplomatic mistake" for the French Government to deny its role in the 1994 Tutsi genocide. [⁸] She expressed hope that French leaders, especially the country's military leadership, which is often behind the policy of genocide denial, would recognize the need to Change your position and move forward:

"This is a historical fact," Mushikiwabo said. - Books have been written, documentaries have been made... This was not said for the first time, as many French authors have said. It's not a question of who exactly said it, because it's a fact. It's important to understand that we can't change history. Nor can we change the laws just to please the French. The fact that they are not with us today is their mistake. " ⁹

TORCH OF MEMORY: APRIL 7, AMAHORO STADIUM

Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni was one of many African presidents present at the Amahoro Stadium on that day10. However, he was the first foreign guest to be introduced by Luisa Mushikiwabo, and the only one to give a speech during the ceremony. This is quite understandable, given the special long-standing ties between the presidents of the two neighboring countries, who went through a common war and continued close cooperation in the following years.

In his characteristic, recognizable manner as a political economist and Afro-Marxist, Museveni began his speech with a detailed digression into the history of pre-colonial social relations in the Great Lakes region of Africa (even including Kinyarwanda terms), went through the history of colonialism, recognized the Rwandan and Burundian monarchs Mutara III Rudahigwa and Louis Rwagasore ¹¹ as patriots and pan-Africanists; on the contrary , he made a sarcastic joke about the Zaire dictator Mobutu Sese Seko, and concluded by congratulating the Rwandan people on their success in rebuilding the country and economic achievements, calling on them to continue to be patriots, fight against sectarianism* and traitors.

The speech was periodically interrupted by rhetorical questions and appeals to the audience, instructing colleagues not to repeat the mistakes of previous generations of African leaders.

It was interesting to see how during his speech, Museveni, referring to the Rwandan events of 1959, the municipal council elections, which were accompanied by the pogroms of Tutsi homes and farms, mass violence and the exodus of refugees, expressed confidence that they could not be called a "social revolution", as some "circles" in Europe and in the country itself represented it. Rwanda in the era of the First and Second Republics**:

"A social revolution cannot unfold between the repressed and those who repress them, fighting one against the other..." The President paused, took off his glasses, and thought about how to express his thoughts briefly, without being distracted from the main topic for a long time, but at the same time clearly and intelligibly. "When we have more time, we will definitely talk about this topic again," he said somewhat disappointed and, putting on his glasses again, returned to his speech. It was obvious that he really would have liked to talk about the phenomenon of social revolution right here and now, but given the special format of the event, he had to admit that the place and time were not quite right.

The main speech of the day - by Rwandan President Paul Kagame-was, as always, emotionally charged, inspiring and did not end with traditional reproaches to the French government.:

"Looking at today's news release, it's not hard to imagine where we might have come to. We could be an eternal protectorate [of the Organization] United Nations Development Programme,-

* The theme of fighting against sectarians and sectarianism, especially in the context of opposition to national unity, patriotism and pan-Africanism, is one of the most popular in the speeches and journalism of the President of Uganda. During this speech alone, he uttered the word four times . author's note).

** The history of Rwanda from 1961 to 1994 is usually divided into two main stages: the period of the First Republic (1960 - 1973) and the Second (1973 - 1994). The watershed between them is considered to be the military coup carried out on July 5, 1973 by General Zh. Habiarimana.

having lost all hope of ever restoring our statehood. We could be a physically divided country, with groups that do not imagine the possibility of living together, separated from each other in different corners. We could be caught up in a civil war, with no end in sight, with endless streams of refugees suffering from diseases and our children not receiving an education. But we chose a different path."

After sketching a picture of the nation's imminent social collapse, Kagame announced that the worst-case scenario had been avoided thanks to three fundamental choices made by the Rwandan people. The President very effectively deciphered the key components of each of the three elections:

"First choice. We chose to be together. When the refugees returned to their homes, we chose to be together. When we released those suspected of participating in the genocide, handing them over to the courts of Gachach ¹², we chose to be together..."

In the same way, the President further noted the improvement of the status of women, overcoming the divisionism policy*, the development of an inclusive constitution, and qualitative improvements in the fields of education and medicine. Each of the phrases was accompanied by a standing ovation.

Choice number 2. according to the president's speech, was to accept responsibility: "When we follow the path of decentralization of power and transfer the right to make decisions to cities and villages, we accept responsibility. When we work together with our development partners to ensure that their support benefits all citizens, we take responsibility. When we distribute scholarships and appoint civil servants on the basis of their merits, without discrimination of any kind, we accept responsibility. When we punish officials, regardless of their rank, for abuse of power or corruption, we accept responsibility."

Finally, the third choice is to think big: "When we Rwandans liberated our country, we thought big. When we created the development program for Rwanda Vision 2020 and focused our efforts on achieving our goals, we were thinking big. When we decided to make Rwanda an attractive country for business, we were thinking big. When we built a broadband information network covering all of our 30 counties , we were thinking big. When we became a regular participant in UN and African Union peacekeeping missions, we thought big."

Paul Kagame concluded his speech on a rather optimistic note: "Today, half of Rwandans are under 20, three-quarters are under 30. They are the new Rwanda. The sight of these young people carrying the Torch of Remembrance to every corner of the country over the past three months gives us great hope."

MEMORY WALK

Just a few hours after the end of the main commemoration ceremony for the victims of the genocide, the Amahoro Stadium in the center of the Rwandan capital is once again crowded.

Young people and girls - many of them wearing T-shirts with the logo of the Walk to Remember campaign-crowd outside the Parliament building, waiting for the signal to start the march. Most people speak Kinyarwanda interspersed with English, or even pure English, especially if the person they are talking to is a foreigner. There are no heartbreaking screams of despair, nervous breakdowns and sobs, as in the morning on "Amahoro": young people behave quite restrained,but the mood, in general, is high. They exchange some phrases with each other, someone, obviously, makes acquaintances, flirts, is photographed on mobile phone cameras...

The genocide is no longer the story of them, but of their families, their young nation, an important building block in the foundation of their national identity, value orientation and worldview. For as long as they can remember, they must have heard conversations, lectures, speeches, sermons, songs about genocide, national unity, reconciliation and forgiveness. Perhaps they also store memories of the genocide somewhere in their subconscious, feel it all with their own "genetic memory". But, obviously, this is another generation that grew up during the RPF era, the same "new Rwanda" that Paul Kagame spoke about as the country's hope, concluding his morning speech.

Thousands of young Rwandans

* Divisionism Policy-zd: a set of ideas and actions defined by the Rwandan Government as aimed at continuing the division of the Rwandan people, primarily into sub-ethnic but also other social groups, as well as discrimination against certain social groups.

Every year, on April 7, they participate in an event called "Memory Walk", which has already become a new tradition. The route of this walk runs from the Parliament building to the Amahoro Stadium, where an event is held after dark, symbolizing the entry of Rwandan youth to the historical forefront, the unity of young Rwandans in the face of the historical fate of their people.

The stadium stands are once again filled with people, even if not to the brim, as in the morning, the sad lyrical songs typical of this country are once again heard from the stage, periodically replaced by performances of guests of a lower rank than the morning speakers - as a rule, these are public activists and cultural figures from different countries of the world, including Rwanda. President Kagame appears on the podium again for a short time - he is already dressed more informally and says, mainly, parting words to the younger generation. On the soccer field around the stage, young Rwandans stand in a crooked line that follows the contours of the country's state border.

There is no longer the same intensity and drama in the air that you could see at the main event in the morning. Everything looks quite intimate and measured. Young people in a chain on the field periodically sit down on the lawn to relax; those who are located in the stands talk about something in low voices, periodically winking and giving greeting signs to their friends, acquaintances, and fellow students who are recognized in passing peers. The atmosphere is so peaceful that you don't even want to listen to what the speakers are saying from the stage. I just want to enjoy the atmosphere of peace and serenity, feeling the slight coolness of the evening wind and light rain falling for a moment.

* * *

The country of a thousand hills, as Rwanda is called, is turning over a very important and iconic page in its history. Perhaps today is the beginning of a new historical era for her.

^{Famel S.} 1 Bisesero. Le ghetto de Varsovie rwandais. P., 2014.

² For more information about the genocide in Rwanda, see: Petrov N. I. KWIBUKA-20: Commemorating the Genocide in Rwanda / / Asia and Africa Today. 2014. N 5, с. 52 - 54 (Petrov N.I. 2014. KWIBUKA-20: pamyati genotsida v Ruande // Aziya i Afrika segodnya. N 5) (in Russian); Mujawamaria J. d'Arc. 2014. Launch of KWIBUKA-20 // Ibid., pp. 54-56 (Mujavamaria J. d'Arc. 2014. Launch of KWIBUKA-20 / / Aziya i Afrika segodnya. N 5); Shlenskaya S. M. Rwanda after the genocide / / Asia and Africa today. 2014, N 5, с. 56- 59. (Shlyonskaya S.M. 2014. Ruanda posle genotsida // Aziya i Afrika segodnya. No. 5) (in Russian); and also-Panov AL. Ruanda. "Kwibuka-20": memory of the Genocide, disputes, discussions / / Asia and Africa Today. 2015, N 2. (Panov A. A. 2015. Rwanda. "Kwibuka-20": pamyat о genotside, spory, diskussii // Aziya i Afrika segodnya. N 2) (in Russian)

^{Soudan F.} 3 Du genocide a la "rwandite": Paul Kagame. Entretien // Jeune Afrique. P. N 2778. 6 - 12 avril 2014.

⁴ President Kagame's poor command of the French language traditionally explains his absence from regular summits of the International Organization of la Francophonie, of which Rwanda remains a member. At the XXV Dakar Summit (29-30 November 2014), Rwanda was represented by Minister Louise Mushikiwabo. See: La Ministre Mushikiwabo represente le Rwanda au XVe sommet de l'OIF / / Rwanda News Agency. 29.11.2014 - www.rna-news.com/politics/9481-la-ministre-mushikiwabo-represente-le-rwanda-au-xve-som met-de-loif

⁵ For more information, see: Russian Anthropological Expedition to the Republic of Rwanda // Institute of Africa, Russian Academy of Sciences - http://inafran.ru/ node/38

⁶ According to article 5 of the Constitution of the Republic of Rwanda, which entered into force on 04.06.2003, Kinyarwanda, English and French are recognized as the official languages of Rwanda. At the same time, starting in 2008, English became the language of secondary and higher education (in 1994-2008 it was either English or French by choice). See: McGreal S. Rwanda to switch from French to English in schools // The Guardian. 14.10.2008 - http://www.theguardian.com/world/2008/oct/ 14/rwanda-france

⁷ For more information, see: The 50 Women Shaping Africa / / The African Report. August-September, 2011. No 33, p. 30.

⁸ See: Panov A. A. Edict op.

⁹ Cit. по: Mugisha I. Mushikiwabo: We knew it would be hard getting along with France // The New Times. April 8, 2014, p. 4.

¹⁰ The Presidents of Kenya, U. Kenyatta, Republic of the Congo, D. Sassou - Nguesso, South Sudan, S. Kiir, Mali, I. B. Keita, Gabon, A. Ben Bongo Ondimba, and Somalia were also present. Sheikh Mohamud; as well as the Prime Minister of Ethiopia-Hailemariam Desalegn, and a number of former heads of state: South Africa - T. Mbeki, Botswana - K. Masire, Tanzania - B. Mkapa, Burundi - P. Buyoya and Ireland - M. Robinson, former British Prime Minister T. Blair.

¹¹ Mutara III Rudahigwa-mwami ("the king") Rwanda 1931-1959 He died on July 25, 1959, during a visit to Burundi, where he was undergoing medical treatment. According to one version, Mutara III Rudahigwa was killed by order of the Belgian colonial authorities.

Louis Rwagasore-crowned Prince of the Kingdom of Burundi, founder of the UPRONA Party (Union for National Progress), first Prime Minister of the independent Kingdom of Burundi (September 19-October 13, 1961). On October 13, 1961, Louis Rwagasore was assassinated in the capital of Burundi, Bujumbura, by order of the leadership of the Pro-Belgian Christian Democratic Party.

¹² The Gachacha courts are the traditional justice system in Rwanda, adapted by the country's authorities to deal with ordinary participants in the 1994 genocide who were not involved in its organization or planning. For more information, see: Clark P. The Gacaca Courts, Post-Genocide Justice and Reconciliation in Rwanda. Justice without Lawyers. Cambridge, 2010; Scanlon H., Motlafi N. Indigenous Justice or Political Instrument? The Modern Gacaca Courts of Rwanda // Peace versus Justice? The Dilemma of Transitional Justice in Africa. Cape Town. 2009, p. 301 - 314.

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