The experience of Russian scholars studying Islam in sub-Saharan Africa is noticeably inferior to the rich traditions of studying the place and role of this religion in the Russian Empire (in Central Asia, the North Caucasus, and the Volga region), as well as in the Near and Middle East and North Africa. Islam in Tropical Africa was on the periphery of Russian researchers ' attention, first due to the paucity of information about this part of the African continent, and in the Soviet period - due to a general shift in the system of scientific priorities, as a result of which religion was given a place among the dying phenomena of public life. Islamic studies, as well as religious studies in general, were considered an "unpromising" area of scientific activity until the rapid process of re-Islamization at the turn of the 1970s and 1980s, including in the countries of Black Africa, raised the question of the reasons for the revival of this world religion in socio - political life.

The first mention of Islam in Tropical Africa in the Russian scientific literature is contained in the" Children's Atlas", which was published in 1773 by the French jurist and historian F. G. Dilthey. While serving in the Russian service of the Academy of Sciences during the time of Empress Catherine II, he headed the legal direction in Russian scientific research. He also left a significant mark on the training of humanitarians at Moscow University, publishing a number of textbooks for students and schoolchildren. Among such books is the Children's Atlas, written by F. G. Dilthey at a time when he was already a well-known scientist.

Africa is the subject of the second part of the sixth and final volume of this publication, which contains brief but fairly complete information about almost all the countries of the coast and a number of inland regions of the African region: geographical location, customs, anthropological appearance, state structure of the peoples of the continent and their beliefs. The tutorial is built in the form of questions and answers. "What do you notice about the shores of Tsangebar?" - for example, the author asks the reader, meaning, of course, Zanzibar, and gives the answer: "The Tsangebar countries near the kingdom of Monymuchi (obviously, the state of Monomotapa. - A. S.) extend for 400 miles in length and 200 in width from the tropic of Cancer to the equator. In it there are 7 kingdoms, which are the essence... Angos, or Angos, with a capital of the same name; the king of it is of the Mohammedan profession, but the subjects are for the most part pagans." We are talking about the middle part of the east coast of Africa, where Islam began to gain a foothold in the second half of the 15th century.

The second mention of Islam occurs when the author speaks of the Horn of Africa: "What do you notice about the Ayanite countries? These coasts extend from the line to the Chermnago Sea (Red. - A. S.) at 200 miles long and 120 wide; on these are 4 kingdoms, which are the essence... Magadoxo, with a capital of the same name; in it there is an autocratic King; and the faith professed is Mohammedan. " ¹ This is probably the first time that the existence of the Somali Sultanate of Mogadishu has been reported in Russian literature.

As for the sources that the scientist used in preparing his work, F. G. Dilthey himself points to the English historian E. Gibbon, the author of the capital work "The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire". The textbook by F. G. Dilthey, who was unable to observe the inhabitants of the African continent with his own eyes, fully reflected the level of Russian historical and anthropological thought at the end of the XVIII century.

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In the 19th century, thanks to such scientists who represented various fields of science as E. P. Kovalevsky, V. V. Yunker, A. K. Bulatovich, and A.V. Eliseev, knowledge about Islam in Africa was replenished much faster. Having made long journeys, mainly in North-East Africa, they left detailed descriptions of the way of life, social relations of Africans, the political structure of the local chiefdoms and proto-states, as well as evidence of the spread of Islam. The travel notes of our compatriots testify to their scientific honesty, open-mindedness, sympathy for the Africans, their desire to learn about the conditions of everyday life, and their humanism and selfless service to science favorably distinguish them from their Western European colleagues who pursued not only scientific, but also, with rare exceptions, mercantile goals. Expressively and masterfully conveying the atmosphere of life on a distant continent, written in rich, juicy language, these descriptions can be considered as examples of a special literary genre.

None of these African researchers were specifically concerned with Islam, but the comments scattered in their notes indicate that already in the middle of the 19th century, the religion of the Prophet Muhammad became the most influential along with Christianity and even surpassed it in its dynamism of distribution and political potential. The objectivity of our compatriots is indirectly confirmed by the coincidence of their assessments of the degree of religiosity of the indigenous population of Africa. In particular, the geographer E. P. Kovalevsky, who traveled literally half the world-from Japan to Morocco, and made an unprecedented trip to the interior of Egypt, Sudan, and Ethiopia back in the 1940s, and the doctor and ethnographer V. V. Yunker independently note the "fanaticism of the inhabitants of Darfur" - the state in southern Sudan. "There are many pilgrims coming out of Darfur, especially through Khartoum to Mecca, and a few merchants... I was on friendly terms with the rich merchant Ali, who had just arrived from Darfur, " writes E. P. Kovalevsky. "Darfurians are among the few Muslims who hold fast to their faith, often leading it to fanaticism; this is not the case, for example, with the Egyptians." He refutes the rumors spread in Europe and the claims of the French traveler Combe about the inhabitants of Darfur as cannibals, citing two arguments: first, European scientists have not visited this state; secondly, the holy book of Muslims prohibits such acts: "To what deity will they offer human sacrifices, where in the Koran, in this civil and spiritual code of the Mohammedans, will they find an excuse for such cruelty?" ² . However, this does not prevent him from stating that the Muslim ruler of this country gets rid of possible claimants to the throne (his brothers), sending them to a cave, where they starve to death.

Without falling into the anti-Islamic sentiments that engulfed the public, including the scientific community, in Western Europe in connection with the Mahdist uprising in Sudan, Russian doctors A.V. Eliseev and V. V. Yunker calmly and objectively talk about the leader of this movement, the carpenter's son Muhammad Mahdi (real name - Muhammad Ahmed). The fame of the legendary leader of the Sudanese Muslims, who opposed the Anglo-Egyptian rule, prompted Russian researchers to pay more attention to his figure and try to understand the reasons for such massive and fervent support for the idea of Islamism.

As A.V. Yeliseyev writes, " back in Egypt in 1881, we heard that a new prophet, even greater than Mahomet, was about to appear in the Sudan - the Mahdi, who was to renew Islam and free Muslims from the yoke of the infidel Giaours. And already in 1883, the entire East was full of the glory of the invincible Mahdi, who managed to conquer the entire Sudan, oust the Egyptians and the British. In 1884, on our way from Tripoli to Fezzan, we were stopped by a ferment in favor of the Mahdi, whose emissaries were outraging the great desert region." And since this "powerful movement began to cover the entire Muslim world and was not indifferent to Russia with its millions of Muslims, we decided to visit the nest of Mahdists". A.V. Eliseev was one of the few Europeans who dared to penetrate into the center of the Islamic uprising and make friends with the close associates of the Sudanese messiah. Being a brave and resolute man, V. V. Junker during his second expedition of 1879-1886 did not dare to go to the areas captured by the Mahdists.

A.V. Yeliseyev believes that the economic oppression of the indigenous inhabitants of Sudan, as well as local Arabs, constant humiliation by the Anglo-Egyptian administration, and bans on holding senior positions in the political and religious hierarchy have caused universal hatred of the population. After a whole series of brilliant victories, which the rebels will win

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More helped by religious inspiration and a belief in the supernatural powers of his spiritual leader, the Mahdi became the ruler of a vast theocratic monarchy that stretched from the borders of Abyssinia to Lake Chad and from Wadi Half in the north to the equator in the south. However, his death in 1885 prevented him from bringing the internal structure of the state he created into line with his own plans ^.3

Traveling along the upper reaches of the Nile, future member of the Russian Geographical Society V. V. Yunker also notes the hostility, and more often hatred, of the local population towards the Egyptians, who, according to him, are usually called "Turks"here. In his seminal work "Travels in Africa" ⁴, he writes that the Niambara people, who are mostly Muslim, are unanimous in their feelings for the Egyptians, with the exception of 14-15 sheikhs, and use every opportunity to cause as much harm as possible to the "Turks" they mortally hate. In this regard, the garrisons of the Egyptians were actually under siege and were forced to undertake gazwe (raids) to provide themselves with provisions. He also finds the presence of Muslims in the upper reaches of the Uele River. In the Mundi tribe, which borders the Azande or Bamba to the west, the village chiefs were also sheikhs, as in another tribe, where the Lemin chief "was so imbued with Arabic pseudo-culture that he wore an old, once-white shirt as a formal dress." At the same time, the Arabic names of books (kitab, virana) have taken root among all peoples, and the leaders, even among the Azande, according to V.V. Junker, spoke Arabic, as well as the so-called dragomans - natives of various tribes, brought up in the zeribs (paramilitary settlements of the Egyptians). They were converted to Islam, and as Muslims they were free men, serving as interpreters and becoming soldiers only when necessary.

Russian researchers unwittingly contrast Africans with Arabs when it comes to observing religious norms. Thus, the sympathy and respect with which V. V. Junker describes the native population, including the Muslim population, is replaced by sarcasm when he speaks of Nubian Arabs - "treacherous and malicious", who drink and spend time gambling, contrary to all the moral and legal provisions of Islam. Speaking about the indigenous population of Ethiopia, E. P. Kovalevsky notes that Africans are not at all devoted to their traditional religious norms and institutions and easily abandon them: "Negroes are soldiers and other [Africans] very zealous worshippers of the Prophet." ⁵

Russian geographers call Arabs the main missionaries of Islam. The same E. P. Kovalevsky points out the activities of Arab merchants, who brought the original concepts of Islam and the prayer of the Prophet to the country of the Gauls. The Russian officer and researcher of Ethiopia A. K. Bulatovich attributes the beginning of the spread of this religion among the Gauls to the first half of the XVI century. He connects this with the performance of the Muslim Galla-Muslims under the leadership of Ahmad Granier, who took advantage of the Galla's desire to occupy the Abyssinian lands, raised "the banner of the Prophet among the Muslim population of the coastal strip and declared a holy war... invaded Abyssinia, burning and destroying monasteries and churches." "Inspired by the idea of Islamism," Granier conquered and destroyed Aksum. But with the death of the leader in 1545, the invasion of the Gauls lost the character of a religious war. The Muslim Galla occupied the best land in the province of Valo and established their dominant position. However, even in the Kaffa region, which our traveler was the first European to cross, he found that half of its 12 administrative divisions were governed by Muslim races ^.6

Russian geographers quite soberly assessed the level of religiosity of the Muslims who inhabited Africa. Paying tribute to the" fanaticism " of the participants in the Mahdist uprising and seeing the reasons for their extreme religiosity in the hostile attitude towards the Anglo-Egyptian administration, they generally noted that even the Arabs have no mosques or clergy "and all their religion is limited to the recitation of the holy prayer.": La illage il Allage, Mughammet rassoul Allage - " There is no god but Allah, and Mahomet is his Prophet." Observing the Arabs of Egypt, Sennar, and Tunis, E. P. Kovalevsky concludes that without the seductive promise of paradise, even the Arabs would have abandoned the faith of their ancestors, "because it still somewhat restricts their freedom."

As for the intellectual and moral level of Africans, unlike F. G. Dilthey, our compatriots find them "well-behaved, kind beings", and explain their shortcomings only by ignorance. They write that blacks

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the inhabitants of the continent, distinguished by their understanding and good memory, soon learn Arabic.

Despite the sporadic and fragmentary nature of observations, the research of Russian travelers allows us to imagine that by the beginning of the XX century Islam was deeply rooted on the African continent, in particular in the north-eastern and central part of it, manifesting itself in the institutional, political and cultural spheres of life of local peoples. These scholars were not religious scholars, but the material they left behind was brilliant in content and literature, and is still a valuable source for the history of Islam in Africa. Unfortunately, the subsequent few visits of our compatriots to a distant continent did not bring the same serious results - there was practically no place for Islam in their works.

The troubled revolutionary period in Russia, when the fate of the country itself was at stake, and the militant atheism that took root in the Soviet era, the disregard for the spiritual component of the life of the Russian people, led to the fact that religious studies were actually recognized as unpromising, explaining little in the ongoing grandiose transformation of society. At that time, special courses in religious studies at universities in the country began to disappear rapidly, and the continuity of generations of researchers was disrupted. This was also reflected in religious studies in African studies.

The situation began to change somewhat when the "Islamic Revolution" won in Iran in 1979. This event required a rethinking of both the role of religious studies disciplines and scientific ideas about the role of religion in society, in particular Islam. Moreover, under the current circumstances, explaining the rise of Islam and predicting the trends of its revival (the" Islamic revolution " in Iran activated almost all Muslim communities - up to Tropical Africa) turned from a purely scientific task into a socio-political problem of national significance. In the 1980s, the revival of the religious studies traditions of V. V. Barthold, E. E. Bertels, E. A. Belyaev, and I. P. Petrushevsky began. This period was marked by the appearance of a number of monographs in which the authors tried to understand the phenomenon of the revival of Islam in the traditional regions of its influence. This process has not spared African studies.

Typologically, works on Islam in Africa can be divided into four groups: 1) monographs and articles specifically devoted to this world religion and its aspects; 2) works on social and socio-economic issues, where the authors use "Islamic material" to support their conclusions; 3) historical works (especially from the series " History countries of Africa"), in which Islam is assigned the role of a factor that largely determines the nature and direction of the social development of the continent; 4) works that address to one degree or another the problems associated with the revival of Islam.

In the Russian historiography of Islamic studies in the XX century, two periods can be conditionally distinguished.

The first one begins in the late 1940s (until that time, no significant work on the problem of interest to us was published), with the appearance of a serious monograph by S. R. Smirnov "The Mahdist Uprising in the Sudan" ⁷ . Having overcome the official canons, without violating the scientific truth, the author showed the spiritual and religious roots of the socio-political, economic and cultural movement for the liberation of Muslims from the "power of infidels". However, in general, the study of Islam in Africa at that time was carried out within the framework of socio-economic analysis: if this topic is present in research, it is only as a necessary background, as a statement of facts that must be accepted, but which, as a rule, do not have a serious impact on the existing economic and ideological-political situation. Most of the works of that time mainly cover African traditional religions, Christianity and Afro-Christian cults. Islam in sub-Saharan Africa was then perceived by scholars as a narrow-minded phenomenon, artificially introduced, uncharacteristic of the subcontinent and having no prospects in local society.

Nevertheless, this period was marked by the appearance of collections of texts on the history of West and North-East Africa by such medieval Arab and African travelers, geographers, historians as Ibn Khaldun, Ibn Battuta, Lev Africanus, etc., translated by L. E. Kubbel and V. V. Matveev8. A significant place in them is given to Islam and Muslim culture. To this day, these works continue to be the most valuable primary source.

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for historians, religious scholars and cultural scientists, as they cover almost all aspects of the life of Africans of that time-from the ruler of the state to the ordinary peasant. Contrary to the prevailing opinion at that time, L. E. Kubbel and V. V. Matveev testified to the existence in Tropical Africa of another facet of the life of local societies - much more significant than expected.

The first special work on the subject under consideration, "The Spread of Islam in West Africa" by E. A. Tarverdova, belongs to ^the same period9 . The author has sufficiently covered the ideological, political and cultural role of Islam in the western part of the continent in the Middle Ages, and has shown that the legal system in Muslim societies is based on Sharia. What is especially important, the author drew the attention of the scientific community to the very existence of a developed Islamic culture in the seemingly unshakable fiefdom of animist and fetishist beliefs and cults, as Black Africa seemed to most Africanists at that time.

The leading Soviet African religious scholar of the time , B. I. Sharevskaya, also spoke about Islam, ¹⁰ although she gave it a modest place in the typology of religious socio - political movements that she created.

A great contribution to the study of Islam at this time was made by the researcher of the peoples of the continent Yu. M. Kobishchanov, who systematized the basic concepts of Islam in relation to Tropical Africa. He showed the genetic connection of local Islam with the centers of Arab-Muslim civilization11, introduced the concept of Muslim spiritual orders (Sufi tariqas, fraternities) into the scientific circulation of domestic African studies. After analyzing the state's policy towards tariqa, he came to the conclusion that in African conditions, orders were the main driving force of jihad, and in modern conditions, they became the main form of consolidation of Muslim communities.

Much useful information, especially of a statistical nature, about the ethnic composition of Muslim communities, the internal structure of religious associations, their goals and religious and mystical rites can be found in the handbook "Religions of African Countries", prepared by G. A. Shpazhnikov ¹² .

Nevertheless, in the Soviet years, the development of religious studies was largely hindered by the formative approach, which gave a secondary place to the study of such phenomena as Islam, culture, and interethnic relations. In accordance with Marxist ideology, they are considered from the standpoint of the theory of classes and class struggle and are regarded in most cases as a shell that is acquired by movements of oppressed social strata for political and economic rights. Nevertheless, Russian Africanists tried to overcome the existing methodological dogmas. S. R. Smirnov has already given a worthy place in the above-mentioned monograph both to the analysis of the dogma of Mahdist Islam and its role in the ideological and political formation of the movement and the creation of the theocratic state. This book has become a phenomenon not only in African studies, but also in historical science in general.

A notable phenomenon at the first stage of Islamic studies in African studies was L. E. Kubbel's monograph "Songhai Power" ¹³ . In it, Islam appears as an independent phenomenon, and not as a manifestation of the action of the material factors of history, the result of the influence of the economy, the product of industrial relations. Based on the documents, the author recreates a picture of a society in which Islam itself has an impact on the nature of industrial relations and largely forms the political model of the medieval Songhai state. The author's conclusions about the synthesis of Muslim and pre-Islamic socio-cultural norms that emerged in medieval Songhai under the predominant influence of traditional beliefs are very important. This work largely anticipated the future development of the civilizational approach in African studies.

The achievement of this period was the works on the ethnic, social and political history of Nigeria by I. V. Sledzevsky, Yu. N. Zotova, G. S. Kiselev and the monograph on Guinea by S. Ya. Kozlov14 . They note that the idea of the indissolubility of spiritual and political power, where spiritual power is the basis of administrative powers, is used in Islam as an ideological and formal legal justification for the power of the Khausan and Fulbian rulers.-

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гиозных основаниях тенденции к политической централизации хаусанского общества, где преобладает ислам.

A typical example showing the one-sidedness and insufficiency of the socio-economic approach to Islam is one of the most authoritative works in Soviet African studies - D. A. Olderogge's monograph "Western Sudan in the XV-XIX centuries" ¹⁵ , perhaps the most cited by Western colleagues. For all his encyclopedic education, the author clearly underestimated the independent influence of this religion, and its role in the formation of a well-known cultural community in the countries of the sub-region is not concerned at all. Instead of Sufi orders, D. A. Olderogge has "Muslim sects". By this term, he refers, among other things, to the tariqa Qadiriyya, which played a major role in the formation of the Fulbian state of Osman dan Fodio-the Sokoto caliphate. Being largely a cultural critic and devoting a lot of space in this monograph to the movement of this Islamic religious reformer, D. A. Olderogge could not show (or did not dare to express then?!) what lay literally on the surface and what later I. V. Sledzevsky described as the process of actually creating a "religious community" ¹⁶ .

The beginning of the second period of Islamic studies in African studies can be traced back to 1984, when under the influence of events in the Muslim world, which clearly demonstrated the effectiveness of the fundamental spiritual and religious attitudes of Islam, its socio-cultural roots, and powerful influence on politics, a group for the study of religions headed by Yu. M. Kobishchanov was created at the Institute of Africa of the USSR Academy of Sciences. The first major work prepared by the group was the monograph "Traditional and Syncretic Religions of Africa" ¹⁷, which opened the fundamental series " Religions in the XX century "(under the direction of corresponding member. I. R. Grigulevich Academy of Sciences of the USSR). Some sections were devoted to Islamic-African syncretism, particularly in Northern Nigeria, Mali, and several other regions of Africa.

During this period, Afro-Islamic studies are carried out mainly in the framework of political science and sociology, and later in the cultural direction of studying Islam. Thus, in his monograph "The History of the Spread of Islam in Africa" Yu. M. Kobishchanov examines it not only as a religion, but also as a civilization borrowed "by those African societies that are moving from the primary formation to a class society and must acquire a corresponding religious and political ideology and the missing elements of civilization" ¹⁸.

The last decade has seen the emergence of a number of major works specifically devoted to various aspects of Islam. A significant contribution to African studies in general and to African Islamic studies was the publication of collective monographs prepared by the group for the study of religions, devoted to the analysis of the influence of Islam on the socio-political life of African states and the reverse impact of political and other institutions on it: "Islam in West Africa" and "Islam in East, Central and Southern Africa" ¹⁹ . The authors of these publications, refuting the stereotypes that have developed in Soviet science, draw readers ' attention, in particular, to the fact that Islam has become the most popular form of ideology in many African countries. For this very reason, the further political evolution of the countries of West and East Africa cannot be considered outside the influence of the Islamic factor, which is increasingly used in the struggle for power by various political forces and which displaces the socio-cultural norms of life of the population introduced from the West.

D. B. Malysheva, a religious scholar who has studied the relationship between religion and politics on the African continent and in the Arab world, comes to similar conclusions in her monograph ²⁰ .

I. V. Sledzevsky, in the section of his collective monograph "Islam in West Africa" devoted to Islam in Nigeria21 , comes to the conclusion about the social-integrating function of tariqas, thanks to which they turn into socio - economic organisms that contribute to the adaptation of members of orders to modern life. Following him, the author of this review, in several articles, ²² shows the possibility of an effective symbiosis of Western political norms and institutions with the social practice of Muslim spiritual orders, which create a fairly reliable mechanism of power. One of his most recent works draws a conclusion about the ability of orders to contribute to the formation of civil society in an African guise, as evidenced by the experience of Senegal and a number of Tariqa communities in Nigeria ^.23

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This tendency is countered by the desire to centralize society, to strictly regulate all spheres of human life - up to the emergence of totalitarianism tendencies, which are expressed in the onset of Islamism. In one case, this is achieved from above - by the state usurping human rights and freedoms under the guise of planting egalitarianism, ²⁴ in the other , it grows out of the depths of the Muslim community itself. ²⁵

In the second period, the interest of Russian Africanists in Islam as a civilizational phenomenon that brings African peoples closer to the cultures of the Near and Middle East and North Africa is becoming more noticeable. This fact can be considered to some extent as a return to the traditions of V. V. Barthold, A. E. Krymsky, V. A. Zhukovsky, I. Yu. Krachkovsky and others. Their worthy successor was L. E. Kubbel: he was the first Soviet Africanist to describe the socio-historical and socio-cultural integrity that emerged in a number of Black African societies on the basis of Islam with its universal principles of spirituality, social organization and cultural universals as an Islamic civilization. ²⁶ He had a solid evidence base in the form of the Sudan Chronicles, which documented the evolution of African society and the Songhai State, where Islam served as the system-forming cultural and political core. The publication of historical and cultural texts is a great achievement of L. E. Kubbel.

The works of Y. M. Kobishchanov, V. A. Beilis, A. D. Savateev, P. A. Kutsenko, O. Y. Bessmertnaya, N. A. Dobronravin, and A. A. Zhukov are devoted to the interaction of Islam with local cultures and socio - political institutions. Most of these scholars come to conclusions about the synthesis of Islam with African traditional religions and cultures, and the emergence of strong syncretic forms of Afro-Islamic civilization on this basis. They manifest themselves in the peculiarities of local graphics (ajami), adapted to convey the phonetic features of local languages (Hausa, Fula, Bamana, Susu, Swahili, lingala, etc.) ²⁷, the specifics of stylistic forms of masks and wood carvings in general ²⁸ , the appearance of Islamic subjects in African oral literary creativity ²⁹ , the awareness of the role of the artist in the development of traditional art. of the world Muslim community and culture, in attracting the state's religious and political potential of Islam in the name of strengthening power and consolidating the country ^.30 There is also an opinion about the symbiosis of Islam with African traditional cultures; their interaction generally leads to the emergence of more organic civilizational systems with historical perspectives. ³¹

So, Russian researchers of Islam in Tropical Africa have gone from fragmentary, sporadic observations that did not provide for a purposeful study of this religion, to special studies related to one or another of its areas or manifestations in the socio - political life of Africa. Along with an in-depth study of Islam, the scope of research devoted to this religion is expanding: from the first responses to the rapid process of its expansion in the last decades of the XX century in the social, cultural, political and economic life of the peoples of the continent, scientists have moved to a comprehensive study of Islam and, above all, the conditions and causes of its revival,

At the same time, scientific activity in this area is hindered by the lack, with rare exceptions, of special religious studies training for specialists engaged in the study of Islam on the African continent, and the inability to conduct targeted field research there yet. It is clear that the gradual overcoming of these difficulties will contribute to the expansion of research in the field of African Islamic studies.

notes

^{Dilthey F. G.} 1. atlas or a new convenient and evidence-based method for teaching geography, corrected and multiplied by Philip Heinrich Dilthey, both rights doctor and professor of Jurisprudence and History. Vol. VI. Part 2. Moscow, 1773. pp. 95, 97.

^{Kovalevsky E. P.} 2 Sobranie sochineniy. T. V. Pozdevoe v vnutrennoi Afriku [Journey to Inner Africa]. St. Petersburg, 1872, pp. 231-232.

^{Eliseev A.V.} 3 In white light. Essays and paintings from travels in three parts of the Old World. Vol. IV. SPb., 1903. pp. 235-237.

^{Junker V. V.} 4 Travels in Africa (1877-1878 and 1879-1886). Moscow, 1949. P. 65, 89, 147, 205, 223.

^{Kovalevsky E. P.} 5 Decree. op. p. 226.

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^{Bulatovich A. K.} 6 With the troops of Menelik II. Moscow, 1971. pp. 68, 82. Smirnov S. R. The Mahdist uprising in the Sudan. Moscow, 1950.

Ancient and medieval sources on the ethnography and history of the peoples of Sub-Saharan Africa. Vol. 1-3. Subg. of texts and translated by L. E. Kubbelya and V. V. Matveeva, Moscow-L. T. 1. Arab sources of the VII-X centuries. 1960;

Vol. 2. Arab sources of the X-XII centuries, 1965; Vol. 3. Arab sources of the XII-XIII centuries, 1985. See also: History of Africa. Khrestomatiya, Moscow, 1979.

^{Tarverdova E. A.} 9 The spread of Islam in West Africa (XI-XVI centuries). Moscow, 1967.

^{Sharevskaya B. I.} 10 Starye i novye religii Tropicheskoi i Yuzhnoy Afrika [Old and New religions of Tropical and Southern Africa]. Moscow, 1964.

^{Kobishchanov Yu M} 11 State and religion // Society and State in Tropical Africa, Moscow, 1980.

^{Shpazhnikov G. A.} 12 Religions of African Countries. Spravochnik [Handbook], Moscow, 1981.

^{Kubbel L. E.} 13 Songhai power. Experience of research in the socio-political system. M., 1974.

^{Sledzevsky I. V.} 14 Hausan Emirates of Northern Nigeria. Economy and socio-political system, Moscow, 1974; Zotova Yu. N. Traditional political institutions of Nigeria: the first half of the XX century, Moscow, 1979; Kiselev G. S. Hausa: Essays on Ethnic, social and political history (up to the XIX century), Moscow, 1981; Kozlov S. Ya. Fulbe Futa-Jallona. Essays on Ethnic, political and social history, Moscow, 1976.

^{Olderogge D. A.} 15 Western Sudan in the XV-XIX centuries. Essays on the history and history of culture //Proceedings of the Institute of Ethnography of the USSR Academy of Sciences, vol. 53, Moscow-L., 1960.

^{Sledzevsky I. V.} 16 The rise of Osman dan Fodio and the formation of the Sokoto Caliphate // History of Nigeria in the new and modern times, Moscow, 1981, p. 65.

¹⁷ Traditional and syncretic Religions of Africa, Moscow, 1986.

Istoriya rasprostraneniya islama v Tropicheskoi Afrika [History of the spread of Islam in Tropical Africa]. Moscow, 1987, p. 6.

¹⁹ Islam in West Africa, Moscow, 1988; Islam in Eastern, Central and Southern Africa, Moscow, 1991.

^{Malysheva D. B.} 20 Religion and socio-political development of Arab and African countries. 70-80-ies. Moscow, 1986.

^{Sledzevsky I. V.} 21 Nigeria: from Muslim Regionalism to Islamic Nationalism / / Islam in West Africa, pp. 59-97.

^{Savateev A.D.} Senegal: Sufi orders in political and economic life / / Islam in West Africa, Moscow, 1986. pp. 133-156; on. Pro-bourgeois quasi-democracy in the Afro-Islamic socio-political environment (Senegal) / / Modern Africa: results and prospects of development. Evolyutsiya politicheskikh struktury [Evolution of Political Structures], Moscow, 1990. Formation of national statehood in the context of religious and political dualism of the African society (Senegal). 1992, No. 4; same name. Muslim spiritual orders - a new form of social organization of society / / Africa: societies, cultures, languages (Interaction of cultures in the process of socio-economic and political transformation of local societies. Istoriya i sovremennost') [History and Modernity], Moscow, 1998, pp. 112-117.

^{Savateev A.D.} Moslem spiritual Orders in Tropical Africa, Moscow, 1999; on. Muslim Sufi Orders in Tropical Africa - A Version of Becoming Civil Society // Hierarchy and Power in the History of Civilizations. Abstracts. М., 2000. P. 111-113.

^{Savateev A.D., Malysheva D. B.} 24 Islamic egalitarianism in the system of the authoritarian-totalitarian regime (on the example of Uganda) / / Peoples of Asia and Africa. 1990, No. 6; they are the same. Islam in Eastern, Central and Southern Africa, Moscow, 1991; Savateev A.D. Islamic egalitarianism-the basis of the authoritarian-totalitarian regime / / USSR and countries of the Muslim world: religious factor and political interests of the parties. (Proceedings of the working meeting, June 4, 1990). Moscow, 1990. pp. 80-84.

^{Savateev A.D.} Islamic Fundamentalism: self-affirmation through denial of Western civilization / / Islam and problems of intercivilizational interaction, Moscow, 1992, pp. 167-168; on. Islam in Tropical Africa: A Response to the Challenge of Time / / Africa in a Changing World. VII All-Russian Conference of Africanists. Issue II. Moscow, 1997, pp. 192-194; on. Muslim confessional community in an African city / / Africa: societies, Cultures, languages (Traditional and modern city in Africa). Moscow, 1999, pp. 47-49; ond. Muslim society of Tropical Africa on the threshold of the XXI century: inversions of concepts and meanings / / Africa on the threshold of the third millennium. VIII Conference of African Studies. Theses, Moscow, 1999, pp. 148-150.

^{Kubbel L. E.} 26 Introductory article / / Sudanskiye khroniki. Subg. of texts and translated by L. E. Kubbel, Moscow, 1984, pp. 3-12.

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^{Dobronravin N. A.} 27 Songhai Arabographic tradition (XI / XIX-XX centuries) / / Evolyutsiya traditsionnykh institutov v kolonialnoi i postcolonialnoi Afrika [Evolution of traditional institutions in colonial and postcolonial Africa], Moscow, 2001, pp. 105-107. Hausa, Fula, Mandinka, Arabic and Pidgin in the West Indies Arabographic manuscript of 1817 / / Africa: Societies, cultures, languages (Traditional and modern city in Africa). pp. 155-157; on. Arabic scripts of Africa: historical and linguistic classification / / Africa in the changing world. Afrikaans in Arabic graphics as the language of Muslim literature of the Cape Malays / / Africa: societies, cultures, languages (Interaction of cultures in the process of socio-economic and political transformation of local societies. History and modernity). pp. 72-73; Vydrin V. F. O staromandingskom pisme (mandinka, bamana, susu) / / Africana. Afrikanskii etnograficheskii sbornik [African Ethnographic Collection]. XV. l., 1991. pp. 169-219.

^{Kutsenkov P. A.} 28 Ethnos and its art: Western Sudan. Processes of style formation, Moscow, 1990, pp. 118-129; 141-143.

^Beilis 29 Traditsiya v sovremennykh kul'turakh Afrika [Tradition in modern cultures of Africa], Moscow, 1986; Savameev A.D. Kul'turnye aspekty islamizatsii [Cultural aspects of Islamization]. Afrika: vzaimodeystvie kul'tury [Africa: Interaction of Cultures], Moscow, 1989, pp. 98-111. Afrika: vzaimodeistvie kul'tury [The Islamic Factor in Cultural Life], Afrika: vzaimodeistvie kul'tury, pp. 243-254; Zhukov A. A. Kul'tura, yazyk i literatura swahili (pre-colonial period). L., 1983; same name. Swahili. Language and literature. St. Petersburg, 1997.

^Savameev 30 Muslims of Tropical Africa: in search of self-awareness // East (Oriens). Guinea: Islam in the practice of the national-democratic state // Islam in West Africa, pp. 156-172.

^{31 Afrikanskie tsivilizatsii: stanovlenie i evolyutsiya [} African civilizations: formation and evolution]. Afrika: kul'turnoe nasledie i sovremennost ' [Africa: Cultural Heritage and modernity], Moscow, 1985, pp. 78-79, 97-105, 114-128.

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