The article analyzes traditional mytho-religious beliefs and ritual practices. In mythology, the division of heaven and earth is represented, personified in the figures of the one god Zanahari and the son of the earth Zatuvu. Zatuvu creates people and animals out of clay, and Zanahari gives them souls. After death, the soul returns to God to eventually reincarnate as a human. This mythologeme defined the idea of the eternal cycle, of the metamorphosis of the soul. In the beliefs of the Malagasy people, there are realms of spirits, both good and evil, which determine numerous rites and rituals. The main ones are rituals related to the cult of ancestors and astrological practices.

Keywords: mythology, god of Zanahari, cultural hero Zatuvu, cycle of existence, metamorphosis of the soul, spirits of earth and water, ancestral cult, rituals, astrology.

Madagascar (the Republic of Madagascar) is a multi-confessional country. Approximately 50% of the population professes traditional religions, about 40% of Malagasy people are Christians, and 10% are Muslims.

In cities, as a rule, the majority of residents consider themselves Christians. There are many churches in cities - Catholic and Protestant; there are churches, more often Protestant, and in rural areas. At the same time, observing the everyday life of the Malagasy people, one encounters many paradoxes.

On Sunday, you see dressed-up Christian people going to churches, and on the outskirts of the city you meet groups of citizens heading to the family graves located near the city for the traditional ceremony of fa-madihan (reburial of ancestors) - they are also Christians.

In the homes of educated, Christian Malagasy people, as a rule, there is a "place of ancestors" -in the northeast corner of the house, where they are given traditional honors - they leave food, clean and decorate the place.

In a village 30 km from the city of Fiaranzua (the center of Catholicism, above which a statue of the Madonna stands on a high hill), in the late eighties, I attended a traditional trumba (possession) ceremony, which was attended by the pastor of a nearby Protestant church (Malagasy). During the ceremony, heavy rain began to fall, and the pastor invited everyone involved to the church, where the ceremony was continued.

These facts show that in the life of Malagasy people, the boundaries between traditional and modern beliefs are blurred. A Malagasy Christian regularly performs traditional rituals, turns to fortune tellers and healers. Obviously, in the Malagasy mentality, along with modern knowledge, the modern-

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there are stable traditional ideas and values, the basic foundations of the ancient picture of the world.

The deep spiritual world of the Malagasy people makes it possible to integrate these centuries-old ideas and values into the modern religious experience.

In order to understand these issues, we will consider the basics of the traditional mytho-religious worldview of the Malagasy people, for which we will first turn to Malagasy mythology.

In the study of the history of Malagasy culture, the least studied problem is Malagasy mythology. The significance of this problem is very great. The history of the formation of the worldview of the people, the picture (image) of the world necessarily includes the stage of formation of mythological representations. As a rule, these ideas relate to a special form of understanding reality - the sphere of first thought, first subjects. This is the sphere of sacred time and space, which contains precedents for subsequent (profane) time and space. There is no nation whose cultural history does not contain these mythological first principles of existence, which influence the subsequent development of culture, such as religion, philosophy, art, literature, politics, law, etc.

Mythological precedents lay the foundations of the cultural values system, they determine the attitudes and norms of behavior in Malagasy society, the peculiarities of the national character and mentality of the Malagasy.

A complete mythological system, like that of a number of African peoples (Dogon, Bam-bar, Fang), is not recorded in Madagascar. It is only possible to reconstruct such a system on the basis of folklore records (fairy tales, parables, proverbs, sayings), as well as on the basis of an analysis of ethnographic data, because mythological representations were expressed both in narratives and in actions (rites, rituals, prohibitions) that constitute a certain ideological and functional unity.

Folklore records and ethnographic observations relate mostly to the second half of the XIX century and the first half of the XX century. Their authors are: G. Grand-didier, S. Renel, J. Sibre, G. Ferrand, V. Coussin, R. Decari and others, as well as Malagasy scientists: R. Radzemisa-Rawlison, M. Rasamuel, J. Rakutuniraini. More recently, it is worth noting the research of such authors as J. Faublet, M. Lambeque, N. Guenier, Malagasy scientists: R. Andriamanzatu, L. Andrianarahindzake, B. Do-minikini-Ramyaramanane, F. Fanoni, E. Mangalaza, J. Poirier, J. Ndemanasua, etc. In the reconstruction of mythological systems, there are a number of complex problems. First of all, this is the existence of 18 ethnic groups in Madagascar (some researchers call 28, 34 or more ethnic groups) and as many dialects. At the same time, we can talk about a single Malagasy language that is understandable in all ethnic groups, a single culture, and similar traditional beliefs. Undoubtedly, there are differences, but in the presence of a single cultural and ideological substrate. The similarity of customs and beliefs among all ethnic groups in Madagascar is noted by many scholars (Faublee, 1954, p. 109-116; Rabemananzara, 1956, p. 16). 63-64]. The search for the roots of the religious and mythological complex in Madagascar also causes difficulties. Many scholars believe that the origins of Malagasy mythology and their traditional beliefs should be sought, on the one hand, in the ancient mythological representations of the peoples of the Malay Archipelago [Faublee, 1954, p. 116-117], and on the other - in the even more ancient representations of the substrate population of the island, possibly connected with Africa [Ferrand, 1908, p. 353-500]. At the same time, the mythological system, as it appears in the reconstruction, is original, forming one of the signs of the local Malagasy civilization.

Unlike African mythology, where there is no division into earth and sky, the universe is represented as a whole, where all spheres, phenomena and objects are interconnected and interdependent in a universal hierarchy, Malagasy mythology represents the universe

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divided into two relatively autonomous spheres-heaven and earth. This division of the world is obviously connected with the eastern (Austronesian) tradition, although the peoples of the Malay archipelago have a three-layered world (upper-heavenly world, middle - earth, lower - Chthonic). The two spheres of the universe are personified in the heavenly god and the earthly deities and spirits, who are in a state of confrontation, confrontation and at the same time a kind of partnership. In the processes of peacemaking, there is a constant division of spheres of influence between the heavenly and earthly deities with the dominance of the heavenly.

These mythological images are primarily represented in the cycles of fairy tales and parables about Zatuvu and Zanahari among the Bara, Vezu, Merina, and Betsileu peoples (Faublee, 1947, pp. 308-310).

The analysis of these images allows us to reconstruct one of the variants of the Malagasy mythological system. It represents the god Zanahari (creator), sometimes called Andriamanitra (fragrant lord). Zanahari creates the earth (the earth's firmament), but he is in the sky and is a celestial, solar deity. A certain Zatuvu character grows out of the ground, similar to the half of a person divided vertically. Together with him, a bull, a ram and a horse grow out of the ground. Among a number of ethnic groups, the ban on meat of these animals is determined by Zatuva's kinship with them, solidarity with Zanahari, the heavenly god who (in some fairy tales) cursed these animals [Faublee, 1947, pp. 297-303, 331-337]. Zatuvu lit a bonfire, the smoke of which rose into the sky and annoyed Zanahari. Zanahari sent an ambassador to earth to find out who was bothering him and where he came from. "I came out of the land, and my name is Zatuvu-ne-created-Zanahari," he replied. Zanahari became angry and brought down a heavy downpour. This is how rivers, lakes, and seas appeared on Earth. But Zatuvu was not afraid, so he built himself a high mountain, dug a cave in it, and sheltered himself from the rain, and when the rain stopped, he lit a fire on the top of the mountain, and the smoke made Zanahari even angrier. He sent an ambassador again, but the impudent Zatuvu replied that Zanahari had not created him and did not dare to stop him from burning the fire. Zanahari was very surprised, and several times he sent him tests to frighten the stubborn man, but he passed them with honor, and Zanahari was forced to admit that this character-although not created by him - is smart and knows the essence of things. As a final test, Zanahari sent his beautiful daughter to Earth and asked her to draw water from the river. But Zatuvu followed the girl and won her favor by trickery, and then offered her to become his wife. The girl agreed, but when Zanahari heard about this, he was enraged, and everything on the Ground trembled, and Zatuvu and his wife took refuge in a cave. Meanwhile, after his marriage, Zatuvu ceased to be one-armed, one-legged, one-eyed, he grew the other half of his body and they began to live well with his wife.

Once Zatuvu made all sorts of figures out of clay like people and animals, he tried to feed them, but they did not eat and lay motionless. Meanwhile, Zanahari, still angry with Zatuva, decided to climb down the silver chain to the ground to see what he was doing. When he saw the clay figures, he asked why Zatuvu didn't bring them to life. "I can't do it," Zatuvu replied, much to Zanahari's delight. Zanahari breathed life into the figures, and they moved, became alive. There were whites and blacks among the people, all of them settled in different places; animals also found their places.

As time passed, people became more numerous, and the food that the land provided was no longer enough, famine began. And then Zatuvu turned to Zanahari with a request for help, recognizing his authority and primacy. Zanahari sent heavy rain mixed with grains of rice, and Zatuvu built dams with stones from the mountain, rice began to grow abundantly in the fields and give people food. Zanahari gave children to Zatuva and his wife, but set a condition: he will continue to sculpt clay figures, and Zanahari will bring them to life. After death, their souls will return to heaven, to Zanahari, and their bodies will remain in Zatuvu, which is the only place where they can be saved.-

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he can return them to the Land from which he came [Customs and folklore of Madagascar, 1977, pp. 226-229].

In this fairy tale-the outline of the Malagasy mythological system, it is an anthropogonic myth about the origin of people. It contains all the mythological motifs. First of all, it is a sacred dispute, a confrontation between heaven and earth, above and below, spiritual and material. Very important is the idea of the ancestor of the Earth, from which the first man, the first animals and plants come out (germinate). The first man is a demiurge, the first ancestor, he creates (sculpts) people and animals, at the same time he is a cultural hero who builds dams and teaches people to grow rice, the first grains of which are sent from the sky. Zatuvu also has the characteristics of a trickster, which is shown in his taunts of Zanahari, tricks with his daughter.

The motif of sacred marriage, which binds heaven and earth, is common in all mythological systems of the world. In Malagasy mythology, the marriage of the daughter of Zanahari and the first man Zatuvu, the son of Earth, not only symbolizes the connection between heaven and earth, but also changes the first man, eliminates his inferiority, half-heartedness. Marriage here has an initiatory meaning.

Mythical tales about Zatuvu are very numerous among different peoples of Madagascar (bara, vezu, sakalava, merina, etc.). In these tales, in particular, Zatuvu is associated with the spirits of the earth-yelu, they say about their relationship, while his wife, the daughter of the heavenly god, is associated with the spirits of possession-bilu, she has magical powers [Faublee, 1947, p. 450].

A variant of the myth of the confrontation between heaven and earth is the mythical tales of the Betsimizaraka people about the character Ratuvuan, who made a couple of people out of earth (clay), but did not know how to revive them. Zanahari, the heavenly god, said: "I will give them life breath, but it is necessary to determine our participation in their fate and the fate of their descendants." According to him, Ratuvuana should be responsible for the bodies, and Zanahari should be responsible for their souls and vital energy. Ratuvuana agreed and began to take care of the revived people, but the offspring of the pair he made multiplied, and since there was no death, the earth could no longer feed everyone. With the news of the famine, Ratuvuana sent an animal with a thousand legs, the Ankudiawatra, to Zanahari. Zanahari, after listening to the message, asked how many people were on earth. Ankudiawatra, unable to count, fell on her back and showed her thousands of legs. Zanahari solved the problem radically: he sent Mpamuzawi sorcerers (carriers of evil) to earth to provoke the death of many people. Almost all the people died. So death appeared on earth.

However, the remaining people continued to breed, and after a while it was necessary to report the plight of the earth again. The messenger was a walavu rat. Zanahari, after listening to the message, asked her how many people were left on earth. Unable to count, the rat showed two of its teeth. After some thought, Zanahari said that it was time to raise the question of good and evil. He sent tangin (a plant poison) and fanafana (a cleansing agent) to the earth. As a result, bad people died from tangin, and good people survived thanks to fanafan. After that, the number of people was regulated.

The conclusion was that Ratuvuana is the master of the earth, and Zanahari is the master of life (Fanony, 1983).

Such important mythological motifs as "life and death", "good and evil" appear in this legend. Characteristically, death and evil are associated with the figure of the sorcerer (Mpamuzawi), a sinister figure in Malagasy life. Good and evil are interpreted quite simply: people who are carriers of good (good) deserve to live, and bad people-carriers of evil-must perish.

This myth also gives a clear separation of earth and sky, personified in the images of Ratuvuan and Zanahari.

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In addition to the two main spheres - heaven and earth - in Malagasy mythology, represented in folklore, you can also find the water element, personified in the female deity Rafara, Faravari (maiden, younger daughter). These motifs are also characteristic of Indonesian mythology. Rafara is a river beauty with long flame-colored hair who lives in a beautiful castle in the water kingdom of "Green Water", where water animals are subordinate to her - snakes, crocodiles, turtles, eels, and the seven-headed snake Fanampituluhu. The sampi (idol, deity) of Ramahavali, the oracle-lizard, the lord of snakes, may also be associated with them. In Malagasy mythology, the water element is associated with the world of the dead, with a posthumous existence (fanani). According to Malagasy beliefs, the spirits of the dead can incarnate in snakes, crocodiles, and eels; hence the veneration of crocodiles, to which sacrifices are made in certain localities, and they are consulted as if they were their ancestors.

A special place in Malagasy mythology is occupied by a terrible monster, the seven-headed serpent Fanampituluhu - the reincarnation of the murdered hero. A folklore legend tells how a worm was born in the blood of a treacherously killed person, which grew into a snake, and then turned into a seven-headed snake Fanampituluhu, which wraps around the village where its killer lives, and affects all the villagers with it [Customs and Folklore of Madagascar, 1977, pp. 236-241]. This character is similar to the sea serpent-the lord of the lower world in Indonesian mythology.

Water is one of the most important elements of the universe in the mythology of many peoples. Female deity-a symbol of fertility, womb, light. It is no coincidence that Rafara in Malagasy mythology has long flaming hair, so in solar myths the sun is always depicted with red rays-hair. At the same time, the water abyss and the water monster are symbols of danger, death, posthumous existence, and reincarnation.

A significant role in Madagascar is played by characters of lower mythology-spirits (demons), idols, lower deities, which can be good or evil.

Some mythical stories are now forgotten, replaced by modern life, but others have been preserved not only in rural areas, but also in cities. These are the ideas and beliefs associated with the cult of ancestors, as well as with spirits and magic.

The mythological picture of the world-the idea that the heavenly god Zanaha-ri gives life breath (soul) to clay figures of people, and after the death of a person the soul returns to god, then to return to earth again and revive new people-formed in the Malagasy mentality the concepts of the eternal cycle of the Universe and the immortality of the soul. At the heart of the Malagasy worldview, not only in the past, but also in the present, is the idea of the cycle in the universe, expressed in the concept of tudi.

The term "tudi" has the meaning of a happy, kind arrival, when a person returns after a long journey that went well. The image associated with the term "tudi" is a successful navigation, crossing a large river and returning to your native harbor.

Philosopher Richard Andriamanzatu, revealing the meaning of the term "tudi", compared this verb with two derivatives of it:" mitudi "and" matudi", which clarify the meaning of the main one. The analysis of these three verbs allowed him to conclude that this term expresses a movement that is transmitted from one link of the chain to another without stopping. In this case, the chain is such that its last link coincides with the original one. This is a movement in which the last push is also the first push, and so on indefinitely. It is, therefore, the cycle of all things, the relentless return of past events, the universal order in which human actions take their place (Andriamanjato, 1982). For the individual, the world order, an infinite chain

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return marks a change of states, a transition from earthly life to otherness in the world of our ancestors, only to return to the earthly world again.

The concept of "tudi", reflecting the eternal cycle of life, draws attention to the most important thing in this cycle - the human dimension. The Malagasy believes that "the ancestors will not sink into eternity", will not be lost forever in the universe without hope of returning to earth as long as the descendants remember them and include them in their lives. Guarantee of the eternal cycle of life, care and return-tudi - a constant connection of generations, the connection of the living with the departed in another world. This connection is based on love, trust and care. To break this connection is to break the ever-living chain of the life stream, to stop the cycle of life, to break the order of the universe.

Tudi is the law of the connection of generations, the connection of the future with the past, the meeting of which takes place in the present and is carried out by the individual. In this purpose of the individual's earthly life - to constantly carry out and maintain the cycle of life - the "divine breath" manifests itself in man. Just as God the creator models the universe, the macrocosm, so the individual models the microcosm, maintaining the cycle of life in his family, in his clan. The implementation of tudi by each individual is a guarantee of the life of society in the past, present and future, where the past is a constantly living memory, a true criterion for evaluation and an eternal harbor for return.

The idea of the cycle of all things in the universe is connected with the belief in the immortality of the soul, with the problem of life and death. The death of a loved one does not cause Malagasy suffering. This is a separation, but not a final one, because death is only a moment in a person's journey, as a result of which he will meet with his deceased relatives [Decary, 1951, p.17].

The immortal soul of a person experiences a series of peculiar avatars( incarnations): earthly life, otherness after death, transition to the world of ancestors, a new return to earthly life, and so on endlessly. According to Malagasy beliefs, each of the incarnations has transitional stages and forms, accompanied by prohibitions and rituals. Thus, a child after its birth does not yet become a person, it is still on the way between otherness and life. This path is marked by a series of rituals.

It is very important to observe the ritual of burying the placenta-always to the east of the house or at the place of birth, and none of the women has the right to attend this ceremony. The ritual symbolizes the final transition from the womb to the community of the living. This is followed by such rituals as heating the woman in labor and the newborn, the first exit is a holiday when the newborn, wrapped in silk cloth and decorated with bracelets, is taken out into the street, sprinkled with water with wishes for health and well-being and carried around the house three times, and three months after birth, the first hair cut is a big holiday: each day, the child received a name, most often initially temporary, intended to improve the fate, scare away evil spirits, and remove the spell if the child was born under a bad sign. These names were usually mocking, deliberately rude, or meaningless (rat, grass, stinky, shrimp). A permanent name-the name of destiny-is usually given after a certain period of time, which is determined by an astrologer (mpanandru), a soothsayer (mpisikidi) or a medicine man (umbiasa). This period can last from three months to 12 years, depending on the customs of the ethnic group, and in accordance with various conditions.

Naming is an independent ritual that takes into account many factors: the name and nature of the lunar month in which the child was born; the circumstances surrounding his birth; the presence of deceased siblings, the character shown by the child; the wishes of parents for the future of the child, etc.

The name of fate, as a rule, is hidden from outsiders, since a well-known name makes a person defenseless against witchcraft and evil forces [Randrianarisoa, 1982, p. 36-51, 60-65]. As a rule, a Malagasy has two names:-

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a name of destiny that is known only to the family, and a modern Christian or Muslim name that is a public name.

During a person's life, it is permissible to change the main name if the person is haunted by failures and illnesses, and the astrologer or healer advises him to do this while observing the appropriate rituals. Malagasy people believe that changing one's name can change one's fate and deceive evil forces [Randrianarisoa, 1982, p. 67-69].

According to beliefs, the life of a Malagasy man, given by God, is determined by individual fate (vintana). In this fate, there is something common for all people-life cycles accompanied by rituals: birth, entering adulthood (circumcision), marriage, birth of children, death. However, in the fate of the Malagasy there are individual moments, each has its own . First of all, it is a birth under one or another sign of the Zodiac, which determines fate and can be interpreted by a fortune teller. Astrology, which has its roots in Arabic influence, is still an essential element in the life of every Malagasy [Randrianarisoa, 1967, p. 34-35].

Gone are the customs of killing children born under an unlucky sign. Even King Radama I (who ruled from 1810 to 1828) abolished this cruel custom by decree. However, various rituals are still carried out, the purpose of which is to protect the child and his family from the bad omens of the heavenly bodies.

According to traditional beliefs, the life of a Malagasy is constantly in danger from various otherworldly forces: evil spirits, magical actions of sorcerers, an inescapable fate predetermined by God. For many centuries, the consciousness of the Malagasy people has been looking for ways to protect themselves from the forces of an unknown otherworld, looking for signs, symbols that can warn people of danger, suggest ways to protect themselves. The first of these ways to warn a person were fortune-telling, fortune-telling by a variety of signs: fortune-telling by stones, by the direction of the wind, by thunderstorms, by the position of the sun during the day, by the position and color of the moon, by the behavior of birds, animals, by the growth and position of plants. The Malagasy has many signs: a heron crossing the path is good luck, and a crow will bring trouble. The first thunderstorm of the season on Sunday predicts a good harvest, and if it breaks out on Monday, there will be a lot of diseases.

The main focus is on the predictions of astrologers (mpanandru), which are related to the nature of the lunar month. Before the spread of Christianity in Madagascar and the beginning of extensive contacts with Europeans, the astrological calendar was of primary importance. The year consisted of 12 lunar months, the names of which were based on Arabic names. There are many signs and predictions associated with each lunar month. So, the month of Alahamadi (corresponding to the constellation of Aries), the month of the New Year's holiday of fandruan, was considered the month of andrian (nobility), people born in this month, according to astrologers, will be invested with power. The month of Asumbula (named after the constellation Virgo) is favorable for starting serious affairs, such as matchmaking. However, this month is unfavorable for rituals related to children (first hair cutting, circumcision). Boys born in this month, according to beliefs, could become good merchants and get rich, girls-good craftsmen. At the same time, people born in this month should not wear red clothes and cover themselves with red blankets, otherwise they may die young. People born in the month of Asumbula were advised by soothsayers to use the cimbulawulu plant, the earth from under a collapsed house, to remove the spell, and also to raise white pets.

The month of Alakausi (corresponding to the constellation Sagittarius) was considered unfavorable-children born in this month could bring trouble to parents and family. In the old days, it was customary to kill children born in this month, and later special rituals with sacrifice were performed to remove the spell.

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The month of Adalu (constellation of Aquarius) - the month of destructive winds, it was called the month of tears, sadness. Things started this month, as the ancestors believed, are unsuccessful and short-lived.

The month of Alakhutsi (corresponding to the constellation Pisces) was considered favorable for building a house, getting married. During the whole month, children should be protected from cutting objects, since wounds allegedly do not heal during this month (see: [Customs and Folklore of Madagascar, 1977, pp. 142-149]).

In addition to the signs associated with the lunar months, there are very common signs associated with the days of the week, giving rise to many prohibitions (fadi). According to the local calendar, which is also important for modern Malagasy people, each day of the week has its own meaning. There are lucky and fateful days, but also hours, the value of which increases under the influence of a certain lunar month, and all this must be taken into account in everyday life.

Sunday (Alahadi) is the most powerful day of the week. Cases started on Sunday are successful, although this applies to the first half of the day. The evening, on the other hand, is fraught with dangers. The symbol of alahadi is white, which the Malagasy people do not have a positive meaning, and white objects in most ethnic groups are attributed to rather low qualities, and sometimes even negative ones. On this day, you can not touch white objects, eat white food (milk, white meat).

Monday (alatsinaini) was considered a heavy day, a day of funerals, mourning. On this day, no new cases are started, the symbol of Monday is considered to be black - the color of death and at the same time property.

Tuesday (talata) is an easy day. This is a day of love, but not commitment. Its symbol is the spectrum of bright colors. At the same time, this day is associated with prohibitions on the start of construction and the conclusion of contracts. On Tuesday, treason can overtake, betrayal.

Wednesday (alarubia) is an unfriendly, angry day. On Wednesday, they don't go on the road for fear of not coming back, they don't start a new business. On this day, a funeral is scheduled, and the famadikhan ceremony (turning over the deceased) begins. This day is painted in a brown color that Malagasy people do not like.

Thursday (alakamisi) it combines negative and positive, good and evil. On this day, painted in black, houses are built, repairs are carried out, and property is taken care of.

Friday (zuma) is the day of kings and nobles. The symbol of this day is red, the color of power, the punishing hand, and bloodshed. At the same time, this is the day of trade, the market (the market in Madagascar is called Zuma).

Saturday (asabuni) is the day of youth, growth and flowering, as well as the day of freedom, symbolized by the blue color-the color of Saturday. The blue color indicates high quality. At the same time, it is not recommended to start new activities on Saturday (see Korochantsev, 1982: 40-42).

The life of a person - the earthly incarnation of the soul - ends with death, but the soul does not perish, experiencing a series of new incarnations.

According to Malagasy beliefs, after death, a person does not immediately (and not everyone) become an ancestor who has entered the community of ancestors and is close to God. During the transition period, which lasts several years, the deceased is close to people, his spirit sometimes inhabits animals located near his grave-worms, butterflies, small rodents, lemurs, crocodiles, eels. During this period, the deceased is considered legally capable - thus, the widow's children born during these several years are considered the legal heirs of the deceased.

French researcher of Madagascar, formerly a major official of the colonial administration, Raymond Decary analyzes the Malagasy beliefs about pe-

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ripetias of the human soul and other spiritual substances that manifest after death.

Malagasy people believe that the soul called ambirua can temporarily leave the body (watana) of a living person. This can happen in a dream, so Malagasy people are afraid to wake the sleeper, because in this case the soul may not have time to return. Under the influence of witchcraft, the soul can leave the body of a person who remains alive, but begins to wither, and certain rituals are necessary to return the soul. After death, the soul leaves the human body. For a certain time, sometimes several years, it remains near the burial site, and then goes to the other world [Decary, 1951, p. 230, 231].

According to Malagasy mythology, the soul goes to the Zanahari. In some ethnic groups, there are beliefs according to which the soul of the deceased goes to a special space - the world of ancestors, from where it is able to return to earth again, reincarnating in a newborn. According to traditional beliefs, before the birth of a child, it is necessary to ask the soothsayer who of the ancestors returned to earth.

According to ancient Malagasy beliefs, the souls of not all the dead end up in the ancestral world. The souls of criminals, young people who have no offspring and who have died unnatural deaths, are as if in an intermediate state, sometimes turning into spirits - evil or good, depending on the circumstances.

The way in which the sorcerer's state of mind (mpamuzavi) is determined is indicated by the way in which he is buried : the body is buried with its head facing south (the Malagasy people have the north as an honorary and privileged side of the world, so it is customary to bury the dead with their heads facing this side), and the soul, sad and rejected, is doomed to eternal wandering [Decary, 1951, p. 231-232].

In addition to beliefs about the metamorphosis of the human soul in Malagasy legends, there are ideas about other spiritual substances of a person that are discovered after his death. Sometimes they are called spirits of the world of the dead, or spirits of the grave. This is angatra, the spirit of death-malevolent and destructive. If a person's hair suddenly begins to fall out, it is considered that this is an action of angatra; if a person gets sick after plowing the ground , it is angatra who shows his dissatisfaction. Angatra can occur not only in humans, but also in animals, such as lemurs, and it is also dangerous for them. Among the Betsimizaraka people, it is customary to ask for forgiveness from angatra the bull after the sacrifice, so that she does not take revenge on people. So do the fishermen of the island of Saint-Marie while fishing.

Another spirit of the dead, Polo, always malevolent. He can appear in the village, taking the form of a large black butterfly, which can not be killed. If lolo lights up ,it's a signal of someone's imminent death. The souls of sorcerers who do evil always become lolo. According to Malagasy beliefs, there is also matuatua-a ghost, the appearance of which always brings trouble. Matuatua is found near the burial site in the form of a will-o ' - the-wisp (Decary, 1951, p.230-231).

All the peoples of Madagascar have common beliefs, only the names and details change. Thus, among the Bara people in southern Madagascar, life is represented as a union of the vital breath-ai and the body-vata. At the same time, a person has a spirit-fanahi. After death, the life breath leaves the body, and the fanahi dissolves into the ever-existing family soul, changing its name. The spirit of fanakhi can merge with the spirit of pulu (supernatural sacred force) or the spirit of fahazivi (spirit of the dead) (Faublee, 1954, p.116).

For the transition of the soul from the "unclean" world of the dead to the "pure" and "sacred" world of the ancestors, certain rituals are performed, the main one of which is like a second funeral (famadikhan). Famadihana has two forms. The first is the transfer of remains

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a person who died far from home, in the ancestral tomb or grave near the house, in the "land of the ancestors". This is a very important ritual for the Malagasy. It is the key to preserving the relationship between two communities: the community of living relatives and the community of ancestors. The famadihan ritual turns into a big celebration with a feast of all relatives and a sacrifice. If the deceased is buried in the "land of the ancestors" and it is not necessary to move his remains, famadihana is performed in the form of a rite of turning over. The body of the deceased is taken out of the crypt, transferred to the house, where it is wrapped in a new cloth. This rite also turns into a feast with chants, sacrifice, and feasting. The rite of turning is performed regularly, after a few years, so that the connection with the ancestors is preserved.

The rite of inversion is performed differently in relation to the remains of kings and their closest relatives. The Merina people have an annual washing of their remains, cleaning of their tombs, and a festive celebration of the deceased to maintain contact with their royal ancestors.

The Sakalawa people have a rite of worship to honor the main royal relic -the knife with which Queen Ndramandikawawi cut her throat, making a self-sacrifice for the sake of her people. The circumstances of the ritual are as follows: legend has it that the Sakalawa people wanted to settle in the north-west of the island in the area of the present port of Mahajanga and establish a state there. The soothsayer informed the king that to do this, you need to sacrifice the most expensive. Several of the king's victims were not accepted. Then his wife, the queen, said, "I am what you hold most dear," and sacrificed herself by cutting her own throat with a knife. The existence of the state, the current world order, is conditioned by her death. History, mythology, and religion are intertwined (as is often the case) in this legend.

The ritual is as follows: every year, on the day of the beginning of the year (New Year's holiday - fandruana), in the village of Bemilolo, where Queen Ndramandikawawi lived, the descendants of the queen gather. The knife is taken out when the funeral rites begin in the royal cemetery. Cattle are sacrificed on royal graves by slitting their throats with this knife. In the coming days, on the outskirts of Mahajanga, a large mystery service is being held at the Temple of the Four Men, during which the royal remains, their graves, and their belongings are being tended to. The central role is played by a knife (a duplicate of the real one). He is washed, cleaned and carried at the head of the procession that goes around the temple.

During the ritual, animals are sacrificed, and two sacred drums are renewed with their skins. The sacrifice in honor of the queen reproduces the circumstances of her self-sacrifice, after which a new stage in the life of the country began. The present sacrifices also symbolize the beginning of a new stage of life — the calendar New Year [Lambek, 2007, p.19-38].

In popular consciousness, the heavenly creator god Zanahari (creator) or Andriama-nitra (fragrant lord) is recognized as the main, one god. It is no accident that with the adoption of Christianity, the Christian god began to be called Zanahari. However, God the creator is far from people, in their opinion, he does not interfere in the affairs of people, so you should not rely too much on him. Malagasy folklore says: "God is too high, the climb to him is dizzying." God is somewhat detached, and it is not worth dealing with everyday matters with him. At the same time, God remains the arbiter, the judge who knows and sees everything. "You can't live with your eyes closed and act as if God doesn't exist." True, there is little hope for his help, God does not delve into the details of earthly affairs. "I wait for God when I can no longer wait for others," says the Malagasy. The creator God gives people a "vital breath", sets in motion the continuous flow of life, transmitted from the ancestors to the newly born.

The ancestral sphere in the Malagasy consciousness is closest to earth life, so the main axis of traditional beliefs is the ancestral cult, or rather, the entire com-

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a complex of representations related to the interaction of life and death, the world of the living with the world of the dead or those in a different being.

The Malagasy people perceive their ancestors as members of a single society, clan, or family. Their transition to another category is temporary, and one day they will return to the community of the living. The living also expect to change their state and return to the ancestral community. Two communities within a single universe are interconnected, there is a constant interaction between them, which is maintained and regulated by unchanging age-old rules and rituals. The relationship of the living with their ancestors, the change of states of the individual does not exclude the understanding of the status of ancestors as privileged. The ancestors protect their living brethren, bless them, and help those who are still enclosed in the earthly shell. Therefore, in the Malagasy mind, the ancestors are perceived as beings approaching God. "Death is the way to become a god," says the Malagasy. It is no accident that the appeal to God and your ancestors is carried out according to one formula that has not changed for centuries and, despite the Christianization, is significant today, used even by Christians: "May God and your ancestors bless you", "May your ancestors protect you" (Andriamanjato, 1982, p.25).

The attitude of the Malagasy people towards their ancestors is full of warmth, love, and respect, but it is an attitude towards equals, although more experienced, wiser, with greater opportunities to act, and better means to do so.

A person who passes to the rank of ancestors does not become more perfect than he was. Its psychology remains like that of a living being, only the possibilities for action and the field of activity expand. The dead do not seem to leave the system of earthly life, only their status changes. The experience of the ancestor's earthly life ends, but his prestige does not change. The living treat him according to his personal qualities in the earthly life, so criticism, censure (qini), and hope for their help are applicable to the ancestors to the same extent as to the living. In the life of a Malagasy, there is a constant dialogue with his ancestors. They are consulted about various matters: building a house, studying children, and getting married. They turn to their ancestors in case of failures or illnesses. Malagasy people find the answers of their ancestors in various signs: in dreams, in the behavior of certain animals, in unexpectedly raging elements (in a gust of wind, in flashes of lightning, in an untimely short rain), in the position of stones or grains laid out by a fortune teller.

In particularly serious cases of social or interethnic conflicts, in cases of serious illness of a respected person or children, infertility of women, unexplained loss of livestock, crop failure, the obsession ritual is performed (trum-6a). The purpose of the ritual is to summon the spirits of the ancestors, who, having entered the trance-stricken chosen participants of the ritual, can explain the causes of misfortunes through their mouths, give advice on how to get rid of them, advise how to resolve conflicts. As a rule, one serious question is put to the ancestors, which is expected to be answered, often received in the form of allegories, vague statements that are deciphered by a soothsayer (mpisikidi). In the eighties, I happened to attend a trumba ceremony held in a small fishing village of the Vezu people, located on the ocean near the city of Tuleara. I was invited by the French ethnographer Noel Guenier, who has lived in Madagascar for many years and is accepted by its inhabitants as one of their own. The day and hour of the rite was determined by the astrologer according to the position of the moon and the day of the week. Clarifications were made by the soothsayer, who determined the participants by divination. The purpose of the rite is to help the ancestors heal a seriously ill elder.

Late at night we arrived in the village. After taking off our shoes in the car and putting on our national clothes, we went to the village square, taking an offering -bottles of rum. The villagers had already gathered, and a white sacrificial chicken was prepared. The ceremony began. A hen's head was cut off on a broad wooden block, and

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the leader of the rite-a medicine man (umbiasa) - sprinkled the blood of the participants: two men and a woman. Rhythmic music began to play, accompanied by clapping to the beat and the equally rhythmic singing of the villagers. The participants began to dance, slowly at first, then faster, and the tempo of the music also increased. At times, the participants sipped their bottles, their movements becoming more bizarre in the torchlight. It's been hours. Gradually, the singing, clapping, and music became quieter, but the rhythm didn't slow down. And then the voices of the participants were heard. The first person to start shouting was a woman. Noel explained that she spoke a dialect adopted on the other side of the island. The men started shouting something, too. As the night drew to a close, the participants were terrified to look at - their faces contorted, they tore their hair and clothes, shouted hoarse words (as Noel explained, incoherent).

Finally, exhausted, they fell to the ground. The ritual ended, the healer and the villagers were satisfied - they heard the voices of their ancestors, and what they said-the soothsayer will decipher.

Constant dialogue with our ancestors creates an atmosphere of their invisible presence in the life of Malagasy people. This atmosphere is supported by constant care for the burial sites of our ancestors.

The Malagasy believes that the spirit of the deceased goes to God, and in the crypt remains his body, which relatives can see, in due time perform the rite of turning over. A tomb is a place that is perhaps more privileged than a house, and often a crypt is richer than a house. Starting an independent life, the Malagasy saves money for funeral rites and the construction of a crypt, which among the Merina, Sakalava, Antandrui and other peoples is a low stone structure located not far from the dwelling, richly decorated with carvings, conditional sculptural images of the life of their ancestors-alualu. Zebu horns were often placed on burials, and alualu are made of wood or stone, brightly colored. Sometimes you can see modern scenes on them - a bicycle, even an airplane. There are scenes of rural life, hunting, fishing. In the architecture of burials, in the style of carvings and sculptural images, Austronesian motifs are often guessed, and sometimes African ones [Guenier, 1977, pp. 280-283, 288-289].

On the roads of Madagascar, you can often see lonely pillars with zebu horns at the top standing near the river or lake shore, or tall single stones-these are memorial signs for those who went missing or died in another country. These pillars and stones, often decorated with carvings, are installed either near the missing person's home or in the person's favorite places. But the Malagasy people also keep the memory of these people and hope to one day transfer the ashes of the deceased to the land of their ancestors.

An important aspect of the traditional beliefs of the Malagasy people, which is practically not studied in Russian science, is the belief in spirits. Belief in spirits, usually the same but with different names, is present in all the peoples of Madagascar. If the relationship with God and the ancestors is clear enough, then the relationship with the spirits representing some intermediate space is unclear, vague, and frightening. Spirits can be good and evil, provide protection or harm. The behavior of spirits is unpredictable, and their origin is unknown. They do not always have names and, according to beliefs, are as if lost in an ordered world, where there is an eternal cycle of life, a change of states of the individual. They may be the ancestors of criminals, or they may simply be lost bits of life that have fallen out of the universal community. Spirits terrorize the Malagasy man all his life, causing melancholy and anxiety, danger lurks at every step, every minute. Spirits exist next to people, are interwoven into their lives, they are associated with prohibitions (fadi), people's fears, they want to appease them by making sacrifices to them, they turn to them with requests and prayers, believing that spirits are intermediaries between people and God, as well as their ancestors, the real and otherworldly world.

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You can try to reconstruct at least an approximate classification of spirits present in Malagasy beliefs. First of all, it is obviously necessary to distinguish the spirits of the earth, often called earthly deities, demons, and spirits belonging to the other world (to the world of ancestors, heavenly sacred forces), as well as spirits of transition from earthly life to another world, or from the world of ancestors to the earthly world: temporarily-by means of the rite of possession, for a long time-through the path of birth. Earth spirits are numerous and diverse. These are, for example, the spirits of sacred trees, groves, springs, rocks, hills - the spirits of nature. The common, common name of these spirits is yelyu, but among different nationalities they can be called apelya mena (near bar), wurumbe and anshumba-spirits of the sea (in the south-east of the country), kukulari (in the south), anakandriapa (in the center of the country), etc., and also have proper names in each locality or be nameless. Especially revered are the spirits of sacred trees such as baobab, tamarind, dracaena, and aloe. In all the sacred trees live the spirits of yelyu mena, benevolent to people. They are opposed by the spirits of Yelu meti-spirits of shadow, darkness, capable of harming people. Sometimes elyu living in trees can injure a person who, passing by, interfered with them. In this case, you need to perform certain actions (for example, throw a skin in the water) and apologize to calm the spirits. Spirits also include family spirits, spirits of fertility, etc. (Faublee, 1954, pp. 15-38).

Extraterrestrial spirits are spirits of supernatural sacred forces-pulu, spirits of ancestors-raza. The symbol of raza is a bird (often a weaver bird), so raza is called the spirit bird. Extraterrestrial spirits include spirits of the heavenly elements-thunder, lightning, wind. Especially significant are the spirits of possession, whose common name is bilu. It has already been mentioned that the earth spirits or deities of Yelu are related to the son of the earth Zatuvu, and the heavenly spirits of Bilu are related to his wife, the daughter of the heavenly god Zanahari.

Possession spirits have different names in different regions and ethnic groups: salamanga, zuratra, tsipdriana, trumba, or tumba (also called ritual), etc. These spirits are intermediaries between people and their ancestors, the terrestrial and extraterrestrial worlds, and represent the transition from one world to another (Faublee, 1954, pp. 39-46, 109-114). There are, obviously, spirits that mediate the child's transition to the earthly world. So, the ritual of the first haircut of a child's hair (the attitude to hair in traditional society is complex - shorn hair is buried, many hairstyles have ritual significance) ends with a rice dish sprinkled with shorn hair of the child, and women snatch up the treat with requests to the spirits to send them children.

The relationship between humans and spirits is quite complex. People turn to the spirits with prayers and requests: send them good luck, children, help them heal, cause rain, promote field yields, good fishing. Spirits are rarely called by their first names, and more often they refer to sacred trees, which, according to beliefs, are inhabited by spirits. Prayers, as a rule, are as follows::

"Bless me, big tamarind.

If you will bless me and I will have children,

I'll give you something " [Faublee, 1954, p. 16].

Prayer-a request often has the nature of a transaction, for example:

"Please give me your blessing,

To have children,

So that I can reap a good harvest.

If I have children,

I'll make a shopping cart for you

And I'll give you a chicken.

But if I don't have children,

I won't give you anything" (Faublee, 1954, p.16).

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Prayers of fishermen are addressed to the spirits of the sea (wurumba) with a request for a good catch. Sometimes prayers are addressed to animals or birds that are considered sacred, for example:

"We ask you, gods,

And you, big bird,

I want you to bless us,

And that we live,

To achieve what you need

For life" [Faublee, 1954, p. 68].

In order to appease the spirits, they are offered sacrifices, rituals are performed. In dealing with spirits in Malagasy society, fadi prohibitions are applied, which are absolute in nature and relate to almost all areas of a Malagasy's life. However, fadis are so numerous that it is impossible to take a step without violating one of them. Therefore, the sphere of fadi appears as otherworldly, where a person cannot penetrate. In this case, a person who violates fadi may be condemned by society, but he is so afraid of these often involuntary violations that he hurries to apologize repeatedly to his fellow tribesmen, spirits, and ancestors who established fadi, trying to insure himself against possible bad consequences.

Apparently, the belief in sampies — idols, deities-is close to the realm of spirits. According to scholars, the belief in sampi appeared around the 16th century, primarily in the royal circles of the state of Imerina.

If the ancient belief in spirits settled them in sacred places of nature - in trees, rocks, birds, then the belief in sampi uses artificial images of these deities made of wood or stone.

Faith in sampi reached its apogee under Queen Ranavaluna I of Imerina, who was committed to tradition and banned Christianity, which was actively penetrating the country,in the 1930s. She herself always appeared before the people with a sampi in her hands. She especially revered sampi Ramatua Rakapila, who was associated with sacred trees.

Sampi in the family of kings (mpanzak) was called the "holy dozen", later called the"palladium of Imerina". In fact, the number of sampies is unknown. Gradually, the belief in sampi spread among the people, and each family had its own sampi. Despite the fact that the royal sampies were burned in 1869, when Queen Ranavaluna II and her court officially converted to Christianity, the belief in sampies remained. Rumors spread, especially during the Menalamba popular uprising of 1895-1897, that the sampis had not burned down, but had hidden themselves for the time being and were returning again to help the people.

The most significant and revered sampis were the following: sampi Ikelimalaza, who was subject to the heavenly elements (thunder, lightning, hail, etc.). On earth, he was responsible for protecting crops, for the lives of soldiers, in the water he protected people from crocodiles. Sampi Rafantaka protected people from troubles, diseases, gave warriors strength in battle and protected them, was a guardian from evil spells. He was considered the lord of snakes and believed that he could order them to attack the offender Ramahavali [Customs and folklore of Madagascar, 1977, pp. 96-98]. Ramahavali may be related to the legend of the seven-headed snake Phanampitu-luhu.

Many fadis are associated with the belief in spirits and sampis. So, a person who turns to the help of sampi Ikelimalaza should not eat pork, snails, everything fried, try dishes during their preparation, it is forbidden to disturb him on Fridays and Saturdays, it is impossible to enter the room where the Ikelimalaza is located, bring some flowers and plants, it is necessary to cross the threshold only with the right foot. If you meet a heron on the way to Sampi, you should turn back, etc. [Customs and folklore of Madagascar, 1977, p. 97].

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Numerous fadis so frighten Malagasy people who adhere to traditional beliefs and customs that they see protection in the case of violations of fadi in the magical actions of Umbias - a healer, healer, expert in white magic, able to subdue spirits when fadi is violated.

The figure of Umbias is very important for Malagasy people. In contrast to mpam-zavi, a sorcerer who acts secretly, at night, uses magic spells to harm people, knows and uses poisons that can instantly kill a person, umbiasa helps people, heals, protects against sorcerers and evil spirits.

Before becoming an umbiasa, a young man undergoes long - term training as an umbiasakeli student - from 10 to 16 years. The first five years are a probationary period, during which the student's human qualities are studied. The future umbiasa should be a person with a good memory and good character, he should not be greedy and deceitful, he needs intelligence and patience in the study of medicinal plants-fapafodi gazi, as well as empathy and kindness towards people. At the end of the probationary period, the student is either left to continue studying and help the teacher, initiated into the secrets of healing, or sent home. As a rule, only a few people pass the probationary period. After completing his studies, the future umbias remains an assistant to his teacher, since he can become a master only after forty years, after testing and saying an oath at the grave of the respected Umbias. Umbias communicate with each other, pass on new knowledge about medicinal plants and their use, and work together to ensure that exiled students do not engage in healing and quackery. Such genuine umbias have a great knowledge of both medicinal herbs and human psychology, and enjoy great respect and authority among the inhabitants of the area where they work (Gernbeck, 1969).

The Malagasy Institute of Applied Research (IMRA), founded by the encyclopedic scholar and writer A. Rakutu-Ratsimamanga in 1957, and the National Center for Pharmaceutical Research of Madagascar, founded by him in 1970, study the experience of traditional healers. After careful research, many of their recipes are used to make world-famous medicines for diabetes, leprosy, hypertension, and some types of cancer.

list of literature

Gsrnbsk L. Na neisledovannom Madagascar [On the unexplored Madagascar]. Moscow, 1969.

Korochantsv V. A. Ostrov zagadok i otkrytii [Island of Riddles and Discoveries]. Moscow, 1982.

Customs and folklore of Madagascar, Moscow, 1977.
Rabsmanandzara R. Madagascar. Istoriya malgashskoy natsii [History of the Malgash Nation], Moscow, 1956.
Andriamanjato R. Le Tsiny et le Todi dans la pensee malgache. Antananarivo, 1982.

Deeary R. Moeurs et coutumes des malgaches. P., 1951.

Fanony F. Le sorcier malefique (mpamosavy) et l'epreuve du tangena (ordalitc) en pays betsimisaraka// Colloque international d'histoire Malagasy, Toamasina: ротапринт, 1983.

Faublée J. Les esprits de la vie a Madagascar. P., 1954.

Faublée J. Recits bara. P., 1947.

Ferrand G. L'origine africaine des Malgaches // Journal asiatique. 1908. Mai-juin.

Guenier N.J. Les monuments funeraries et commemoratifs de hois seulpte betsileo Madagascar. T. 2. Tulear, 1977.

Lambck M. Sacrifice and the problem of beginning: meditations from Sakalava mythopraxis // Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institut. L., 2007. Vol. 13. № 1.

Randrianarisoa P. L'enfant et son education dans la civilization traditionelle malgache. T. 1. № 1. D'une collection sur les les croyances et les coutumes malgaches. Б.М., 1982.

Randrianarisoa P. Madagascar et les croyances et des coutumes malgaches. Caen, 1967.

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