R.O. COLLINS. A HISTORY OF MODERN SUDAN. N.Y.: Cambridge Univ. Press, 2008. 331 p.*

Robert O. Collins, a professor at the University of California (Santa Barbara), is currently one of the most prominent researchers of the history and current political situation of Sudan. Over the past decade, he has written a number of serious works on various aspects of Sudanese and African political themes (Civil Wars and Revolution in the Sudan: Essays on the Sudan, Southern Sudan and Darfur, 1962-2004 (2005); Darfur.The Long Road to Disaster (2006); A History of Sub-Saharan Africa (with James M. Burns, 2007); и др.).

The reviewed work is complex in nature and covers a long historical period. The book is divided into ten chapters, each of which is dedicated to a specific historical stage. The introduction contains information about the early Sudanese historiography, which has its roots in the ancient Kushite state, as well as information about the origin and settlement of tribal associations and nationalities of Sudan.

In the first chapter, "The Making of the modern Sudan: The nineteenth century," the author addresses the question of the capture of the Sudan by the Egyptian - Turkish army in 1821. In presenting information about the military campaign and the national composition of the military contingent that entered the Sudan, Collins points out the inaccuracy in using the term "Turkish capture", since the initiative of its implementation It came from the former Mamluk ruler of Egypt, Muhammad Ali, who could only nominally be considered a Turkish commander. In fact, his rule was independent of the Great Porte. However, during the early stages of Sudan's rule, which spanned several decades, army officers used Turkish to communicate and relay commands. The expeditionary force consisted of Albanian, Turkish, and Maghreb soldiers

* R. O. Collins. History of modern Sudan. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008, 331 p.

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and the Egyptian Bedouins, so it is quite true that many modern researchers use the term "Turkish-Egyptian period"to refer to this time.

Speaking about the nature of the resistance to the invaders and the forces involved in it, it can be pointed out that at an early stage, only representatives of the Arab Shaikiyya tribe resisted. Over time, they, like the captured Nuba Mountain slaves (al-jihadiyya) who were later trained in military affairs, formed the local basis of support for the troops and administration of Muhammad Ali in the Sudan. The author of the book mentions Western European travelers and scientists who went at the turn of the 1830s-1840s on behalf of Muhammad Ali to search for gold in the southern regions of Sudan. Among them was the Russian scientist and diplomat E. P. Kovalevsky, who was sent to the Sudan by the Egyptian ruler and left behind a vivid and fascinating description of the trip to this country. However, this fact is probably unknown to Collins, so Kovalevsky was not mentioned in the book.

The positive developments that took place in the Sudan during the Egyptian-Turkish administration (1821-1885) consisted mainly in equipping the Sudan with telegraph communications and establishing a communication system, including roads, as well as reforming the education system and establishing new administrative centers.

The section "The Mahdist period of 1885-1898" summarizes some information about the Mahdi contained in earlier works of Sudanese and foreign authors. In particular, Collins provides explanations about the contenders for the place of Muhammad Ahmad ibn Abdallah (Mahdi), who passed away in 1885, by his followers. "Abdallahi ibn Muhammad was Caliph al-siddiq, the successor of Caliph Abu Bakr, Ali ibn Muhammad Hillou became Caliph al-farouk, the successor of Caliph Omar, and Muhammad Sharif was appointed Caliph al-karrar, the successor of Caliph Ali, the cousin of the Prophet" (p. 24). As a result, causing controversy in Sudanese society, Khalifa Abdallahi ibn Muhammad took the Mahdi's place. Omdurman was home to the Black Banner Division, which was made up of loyal Baccarat tribes and provided some security for the new leader of the rebellion and head of the theocratic state.

The author describes the situation in Darfur , one of the most politically complex provinces in Sudan. He notes that already in 1888, in Darfur, Abu Jumayza, who rallied the Fors and Masalit around him, joined by the African tribes of Daju, Kimr, and Tama, opposed the power of the Baccarat and other Mahdist satellites. The uprising in Darfur was suppressed only in 1889. In summary, Collins writes: "Vor separatism never disappeared" (p. 25).

The second chapter, "The Anglo-Egyptian condominium", explains the administrative and administrative structure of Sudan and how the "condominium" form was adopted as a compromise. The author quite rightly assesses the reliance of the new colonial government on "orthodox", rather than popular Islam with its proximity to Sufism. The chapter describes the movements of opponents of colonial power, the creation of informal organizations and their positions, as well as the press. It is reported about the gradual establishment of the central government in the south of the country through the establishment of direct control over the tribes and the implementation of a number of economic projects.

The period 1936-1956 was marked by an increase in the authorities ' attention to education. It was planned to open teacher training colleges in each province, such as the Bakht ar-Rida College established in Khartoum, and to increase the number of schools. Traditional Qur'anic halvas were falling into disrepair, while quttabs were being turned into secondary schools. Among the graduates of educational institutions, the idea of creating an "Alumni Congress" was born and received in 1938, which became a political forum for new generations of Sudanese. On the basis of the Congress, political affiliations and groups were formed that reflected the views of politicians representing the Sufi brotherhoods of al-Ansar and al-Khatmiya, who disagreed about the future development of Sudan.

The significantly changed situation in Southern Sudan required the involvement of local representatives to participate in various government structures, which occurred after the end of World War II and is reflected in the pages of the book. The actions of Sudanese politicians and social forces in the context of regional political forces and the United Kingdom also received detailed coverage.

The three subsequent chapters - " Parliamentary and Military Experiments in Government (1956-1969)", " The Government of Jafar Nimeiri: The Heroic Years (1969-1976)", and "The Government of Jafar Nimeiri: the Years of Fear and Disintegration (1976-1985)" - allow us to trace

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Political developments in Sudan since the country's independence in 1956. The material contained in these chapters illustrates the power struggle between the Umma Party and the People's Democratic Party. The first of them was supported by Western countries.

General Ibrahim Abboud's military regime, established just two years after independence, has been described as "focused on making the country manageable, rather than implementing any radical economic and social changes" (p.73). The military that came to power sought to achieve the unity of the country solely through the introduction of strict discipline, as well as Arabization and Islamization of the population. A group of senior officers who were considered the initiators of the coup practically banned the activities of missionary Christian schools. As a reaction to this, Southerners outside the country created the first South Sudanese opposition organizations and their own periodicals, which, unlike a number of other studies of this period, receive detailed coverage in the monograph. The book contains a lot of interesting information about the leaders of the South and their political leanings.

1969 brought victory to another representative of the military circles - Colonel Jafar Nimeiri, who initially borrowed a lot from the leadership system established in Egypt thanks to the organization"Free Officers". The first years of his rule were marked by new attempts at coups, as well as, in particular, a confrontation with the Umma party. Meanwhile, in the South, organizations opposed to the regime continued to form, seeking maximum assistance from abroad by establishing contacts with various regimes, including Israel. The book provides previously little-known facts about the contacts between the Anya Nya movement and Prime Minister Levi Eshkol.

As he consolidated his power, Jafar Nimeiri established coordination not only with major political figures in Sudan, but also with successful businessmen and politicians in Arab countries. The author notes his special friendship with the Saudi arms dealer Adnan Khashoggi. At the same time, political maneuvers and actions of the opposition often led to popular demonstrations and new coup attempts. The economic projects supported by Nimeiri were limited to those of a regional nature, covering only the central regions of the country, the so-called golden triangle: the cities of Kenana, Rahad, Kassala, Kordofan.

In the 1970s, Jafar Nimeiri demonstrated his interest in contacts with representatives of popular Islam, performing joint prayers in villages and small towns of the country. In addition, he met with the heads of Sufi fraternities and offered to join the organization created by him "Sudan Socialist Union". Finally, he began to show a penchant for closer contacts with the Muslim Brotherhood.

In 1985, Jafar Nimeiri's rule was interrupted by a new military coup led by General Abd al-Rahman Muhammad Suwar al-Zahab. The new leadership managed to create a transitional government of the country, which was supposed to transfer power exclusively to a civilian government. In May 1986, Sadiq al-Mahdi created his own coalition Government with a majority of members of the Umma Party. Among the main tasks of the new government were to develop an attitude to the Islamic legislation introduced in the country and regulate relations with the South. In 1989, the main issue related to relations with the South was not resolved until the end of this stage. Clashes between Islamists and Dinka displaced to Southern Darfur and Kordofan in 1986-1987 triggered a new wave of military operations involving army units.

The author of the book cites new facts of the Libyan presence in Darfur, which resulted in a" Tribal War " involving the Fors and the Arab Rizeikat tribe.

The chapter "The Islamic Revolution: the years of al-Turabi (1989-1996)" begins with a description of the military coup in June 1989, carried out by mid-level officers under the command of Omar Hassan Ahmad al-Bashir. The peculiarity of his position was his ideological proximity to the National Islamic Front, and in fact to the Muslim Brotherhood. Since 1990, the Islamic legislation was revived, and the People's Defense Forces, led by Ibrahim al-Sanoussi, were created, designed not only to carry out military training, but also to promote the Islamization of young people in the first place. Collins notes the intensification of Islamic propaganda outside of Sudan, which was reflected in Hassan al-Turabi's trips to England and the United States, as well as in an open rapprochement with al-Qaeda. The author devotes an entire paragraph of this chapter to the study of-

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the central government's war effort against the Southerners. It contains useful factual and biographical material.

Extremely interesting information and assessments on the recent history of Sudan are provided in the following three chapters:" The al-Bashir years: besieged and openly defiant (1996 - 2006)"," Peace and war in South Sudan", and"The Disaster in Darfur". The period from 1996 to 2006 is characterized both by an increase in public discontent with the line proposed by the National Islamic Front (NIF), and by contradictions among Islamists. The conflict with Osama bin Laden culminated in his departure from the country in 1996, described by the NIF as "a mixture of religion and organized crime" (p.221).

In 2000, Hasan al-Turabi founded a new political party, the People's National Congress. On behalf of this organization, he unexpectedly signed a "memorandum of understanding" with his sworn enemies from the South, which led to his arrest in February 2001.

Unfortunately, the book does not pay much attention to the analysis of Hasan al-Turabi's philosophical and political views, although they largely reflect the ideological platform on which the doctrine of the Sudanese Muslim Brotherhood, which is currently undergoing a period of transformation and compromise, is based. This would allow for a better understanding of the motives and political orientation of the Islamic movement in Sudan.

Another factor of an already economic order that affected the political situation in Sudan was the start of commercial oil production in 1999, in which China, Canada and Malaysia participated. The section "Oil: a curse and a sudden success" describes the history of the creation of the oil industry in Sudan with the participation of international capital, contradictions that have arisen with competing countries, as well as issues of construction and security for oil-bearing areas. The activities of the office of the Russian company Slavneft in Sudan are mentioned.

The discovery and development of oil significantly influenced both the nature of relations within the organizations of the southerners and their relations with the North. Real battles for control of the oil fields began. From the text of the book it becomes clear, and this is confirmed by facts and examples, that the struggle has turned from a purely political one into an economic one.

In the last chapter of the book, "The Disaster in Daffuru", Collins examines the situation in Darfur province, starting with Sulaiman Solong, who united the Fors in the mid-17th century and created a multi-ethnic sultanate in the province. The chapter traces the history of Arabization and the specifics of Islamization of the region. This covers a period of several centuries. It is absolutely impossible to present the current situation in Darfur without taking into account the international dimension. We can fully agree that the author attaches great importance to the role of Muammar Gaddafi in the region and cites the facts of the direct military presence of Libya. The chapter describes some of the actions of Darfurians in the struggle for their rights, one of the manifestations of which was the publication of the "Black Book"in 2000.

Western countries also played a significant role in the conflict in Darfur. Colin Powell spoke about the genocide in Darfur in September 2004. As a response, a worldwide propaganda campaign was launched to preserve stability and peace in Darfur. At the same time, the NATO bloc could not apply military sanctions. Currently, humanitarian organizations, African Union and UN forces are operating in Darfur.

The author's position on Darfur can be described as balanced and moderate, based on a good analysis of facts and trends. The book is provided with photographs and specially prepared geographical maps that give a fairly complete picture of the various aspects of the country's life.

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