On April 22, 2015, the Institute of Africa of the Russian Academy of Sciences hosted a round table on " Political Leadership in Africa: past and present", organized by the Center for Sociological and Political Studies of the Institute and dedicated to the memory of the famous Russian Africanist N. D. Kosukhin (04.03.1932-25.12.2014). N. D. Kosukhin paid special attention to the evolution of African political leadership. He wrote, in particular, a number of articles in the collection "Modern African Leaders "(Moscow, 2001) and the posthumous book "Political Leadership in Africa: past and Present" (Moscow, 2015). The title of this work was used to indicate the theme of the event.

The participants of the round table discussed the features of modern political processes in African countries, the problems of the evolution of political leadership and political culture in the countries of the continent, and assessed the effectiveness of African political regimes.

Opening the meeting, V. P. Morozov noted that in the conditions of unstable, conflict-crisis development of African countries, the nature of political leadership is of particular importance. The natural and ethno-cultural diversity of the African world and the unique historical destinies of its peoples have largely determined the specifics of the formation of political leadership in the countries of the continent.

While remaining committed to traditional, historically established socio-political structures, African society is increasingly adapting to modern forms of political governance and elements of Western political culture. Therefore, political leadership is distinguished here by its versatility and inconsistency, combining the features of traditional governance, in which the leader's power is based on the sanctity of traditions and reverence for the authority of the government itself; charismatic leadership, when the leader is endowed with strong and exceptional, almost mystical properties that ensure his fanatical loyalty of followers; rational and legal leadership, based on the law and the expediency of the existing order.

The report "Modern problems of political leadership in Africa" was presented by L. M. Sadovskaya, who considered three sets of problems: the change of power and the question of the "third term" of the presidency; modern criteria for the success of political leadership in Africa; the influence of an external factor on the effectiveness of leadership. She noted the three most common types of power change in Africa: a military coup; the so - called coordinated option, i.e. the transfer of power to an official or tacitly appointed successor; and the "democratic" option-holding general elections. L. M. Sadovskaya considered the features of the charismatic type of government, which has become most widespread in Africa, since in the conditions of imperfection of modern technologies, it is in contrast to traditional forms of power, the masses are usually willing to voluntarily submit to a leader who, because of his personal qualities, arouses special trust and affection.

E. N. Korendyasov's speech was devoted to the influence of the institute of traditional leaders on the formation of political leadership in modern These institutions continue to perform the most important social functions, since the emerging political systems of the modern (Western) type in most countries of the continent are amorphous. The desire of most African countries in the first years after independence to copy the state-political structure on Western models soon revealed its complete or partial failure. In African society, a change of leader usually leads to a transformation of the entire ruling group and the nature of governance. Democratic procedures for changing government are not always effective, and in weak States, the resulting power vacuum is filled by traditional structures. This is especially true in the West African region.

Fakhrutdinova Z. N. in the report "The impact of Islam on political leadership in Arab countries in Africa" noted that the political leader of the Arabs should have a pronounced charisma. Political culture, which in the Arab world is based on the predominance of a religious worldview over a political one, is of great importance for the formation of a leader. At the same time, every Arab feels like a representative of two communities-Arab and Islamic. Islam

it is a kind of national idea, a symbol of former power. Another feature of the formation of the political culture of the Arabs is that the individualism characteristic of Western societies is largely alien to the Arabs, i.e. the Arab "general" is closer to "personal".

Prokopenko Ya L. in her report "Opposition Leaders in the struggle for Power (on the example of Zambia)" pointed out that since the 1990s, Zambia joined the process of political liberalization, as a result of which strong leaders appeared in the country capable of rallying and uniting the opposition, which became more active with the creation of the Patriotic Front party in 2001 (PF) headed by M. Sata, who won the presidential election in 2011. The success of the opposition and the peaceful transfer of power in Zambia were significant for the continent: Africans ' confidence in the electoral process itself was strengthened, and presidential elections were held in 14 sub-Saharan countries in 2011.

In the mid-2000s, another influential opposition politician, Hakainde Hichilema, leader of the United National Development Party (UNDP), appeared on the political scene. He participated in the presidential race in all elections since 2006, and in the early presidential elections on January 20, 2015 (after the death of M. Sata), X. Hichilema received only 1.66% of the vote less than the winning PF candidate Edgar Lungu. The opposition questioned the election results, but Hichilema admitted defeat, did not challenge the results in court, and in March 2015 announced that he had started preparing for the 2016 election campaign.E. Lungu will hold the post of president until the 2016 general elections, and the government will have to solve complex problems of overcoming poverty and fighting corruption. Failure to fulfill pre-election promises can lead to another defeat of the ruling party and the victory of the opposition.

Denisova S. T. in her report "Presidential elections 2015 in Nigeria and the factor of political leadership" noted the peculiarities of the electoral campaign in the largest African country by population - Nigeria and considered the question of how the activities of the former Christian president Goodluck Jonathan, who ruled the country since 2010, and the identity of the next Muslim head of state, Mohammad Buhari, who headed the Nigeria in 1984-1985, influenced the choice of voters.

The 2015 presidential election was held in a difficult economic environment-due to the fall in world oil prices (Nigeria's main export product) - and political conditions as a result of the increased terrorist activities of the Islamist sect Boko Haram. At first glance, the head of state, Jonathan, had all the resources necessary for a successful election campaign, and Buhari should have received the support of only a part of Muslims. However, 2.5 million more votes were cast for him than for the current president. Meanwhile, during the years of Jonathan's rule, macroeconomic indicators improved, and the average standard of living of the population increased. However, the Government failed to ensure the safety of the country's citizens and overcome the destabilization of the internal political situation. It was the failure of the regime to effectively counter Islamic extremism that, according to T. S. Denisova, predetermined the defeat of Jonathan in the 2015 elections.

Buhari, in his first rise to power, established himself as a hard-line authoritarian leader. Its assets include mass layoffs of workers and employees, the introduction of fees for primary and higher education in colleges and universities, increased inflation, rising unemployment, and the expansion of the powers of law enforcement agencies. Buhari was overthrown in a military coup on August 27, 1985. The fact that the majority of voters voted for him 30 years later shows the desire of Nigerians for real change and that the issues of security and stability that Jonathan could not solve are more important for them than the problems of economic recovery.

M. S. Shlenskaya in the report "Political stability as one of the parameters of government effectiveness (on the example of Tanzania, Rwanda and Madagascar)" noted the importance of such aspects of political leadership formation as the level of legitimacy of the current government and the development of democratic institutions. Tanzania is notable for its political stability. Since 1995, the change of power here has been carried out through general elections on a multi-party basis.

Madagascar has experienced a series of protracted political crises over the years of independence, partly due to the military's interference in public administration. As for Rwanda, despite the appearance of political stability in the country, international human rights organizations accuse President P. Kagame of violating human rights and suppressing dissent. As an example, S. M. Shlenskaya cited the so-called case of Victoire Ingabir, the chairman of the underground United Democratic Forces party, from which she was going to run for president in the November 2010 elections. In July

In 2010, she was arrested, and in October 2012, she was sentenced to 8 years in prison "for collaborating with terrorist groups".

S. O. Kulkova in her report "Modern Leaders of Senegal" focused on the personality and activities of the current President of the country, Maki Salla, who came to power as a result of a convincing victory in the 2012 elections, replacing Abdoulaye Wade as head of state (2000-2012). Under Wade, Sall served in a number of ministerial positions, including Prime Minister (April 2004-June 2007) and President of the National Assembly (June 2007-November 2008). However, the two leaders then had disagreements, partly related to the appointment in 2009 of Wade's son, Karim Wade, as a" super minister " with several ministerial roles. briefcases.

The Senegalese saw Salle as a worthy opponent for Wada. Sall promised not to change the constitution (such an attempt by Wada in 2011 caused general discontent), to raise the economy, and to reduce the level of corruption. Indeed, it has managed to contain the rise in prices for consumer goods, reduce income taxes, help farmers, and improve the situation in the healthcare sector.

Islam remains an important factor in the political life of Senegal, as the religion of the overwhelming majority of the country's inhabitants, where religious fraternities, especially the Murids, enjoy great influence. Unlike Wada, which has maintained close ties with the Murids, Sall seeks to preserve the secular nature of the State. Overall, Senegal's "fair and just" elections in 2012 reinforced the country's reputation as one of the "most stable democracies" in West Africa and the continent as a whole.

Gromova B. O. made a report "Trade unions - a school of political leadership". She noted that among the characteristic features of the formation of the African political elite is the close connection between the leaders of trade unions and political parties. In Africa, the interaction of these two groups of leaders is historically determined, since their formation took place in the specific conditions of the colonial regime. The leaders of the first political organizations of the indigenous population in most cases became the organizers of the first trade unions, and the cooperation of leading nationalist politicians and trade union leaders in countering the colonial authorities became one of the decisive factors in the national liberation movement. Trade unions were then a kind of forge of African political cadres, a school of political leadership. According to O. B. Gromova, they remain so even now.

In some cases, trade unionists became founders of political organizations of the African population. Thus, a veteran of the Nigerian trade union movement, M. Imodu, was a member of the leadership of the leading nationalist party, the National Council of Nigeria and Cameroon (CNPC). In Kenya, the influential trade unionist D. Akumu became in the mid-1950s one of the founders of the Nairobi People's Convention Party, and in 1966 - the opposition Union of the Peoples of Kenya party. General Secretary (since 1955) of the Moroccan Union of Labor, Mahjoub ben Seddiq, General Secretary of the International Confederation of Labor in the 1940s and 1950s, was one of the leaders of the Istiklal party. In Guinea, the leader of trade unions and the Democratic Party of Guinea, Sekou Toure, has emerged as a major political figure in the trade unions. In 1958, he headed the country's first independent government. Siaka Stevens leader (during the colonial period) United Miners ' Union of Sierra Leone-played a prominent role in the creation of the National People's Party in 1958, which led the struggle for independence. In 1968, he became Prime Minister. In many countries, trade unionists later held high-level party and government positions.

Some participants in the round table focused their presentations on the characteristics of individual African political leaders. Thus, V. I. Gusarov dedicated the report "Jafar Nimeiri: political leadership and socio-political evolution" to one of the first leaders of Sudan. Nimeiri, who came to power as a result of a military coup on May 25, 1969, proved to be an extraordinary and at the same time extremely controversial politician. The coup was called the "May Revolution". The new leadership announced its intention to fight imperialism and solve the country's major problems through " socialist transformation." According to the speaker, it has tried to implement important political and socio-economic reforms on this basis. Under Nimeiri, relations with the USSR and other Eastern Bloc countries were actively developing.

Since the early 1970s, there has been a sharp struggle between political factions in Sudan over issues related to the country's future development. On July 19, 1971, a coup d'etat was attempted, and Nimeiri was arrested, taken into custody, and waited to be shot. Although he managed to escape and lead a counter-coup, the position of his regime was markedly reduced.

weakened. As a result, the "socialist" reforms that had begun earlier were slowed down or suspended, and dozens of enterprises nationalized in 1970 were returned to their former foreign or local private owners.

On July 2, 1976, during a new attempt to overthrow the Nimeiri regime, the population did not support the rebels, but also did not come out to defend the regime under which they dragged out a miserable existence. Opposition protests were suppressed, and a wave of terror and repression swept through Sudan. In April 1985, mass protests against Nimeiri's policies began. A general strike led to the fall of the regime, and on April 6, 1985, the military took power. During Nimeiri's 16 years in power, the country has developed a rigidly authoritarian governance regime characterized by intolerance of dissent, human rights violations, and an inability to address socio-economic issues of the country's development.

Rybalkina G. I. in the report "Political portrait of the President of Liberia Ellen Johnson Sirleaf" considered the life path and activities of the first female president of the country in Africa. Johnson Sirleaf, who took up the highest government post in 2005, was awarded eight prestigious international prizes over the next few years, the most significant of which was the Nobel Peace Prize (2011) "For the nonviolent struggle for women's security and for women's rights to participate fully in building peace." In 2011 she was re-elected for a second six-year term.

Having received a brilliant education in economics and finance at leading US universities in the 1960s and 1970s, Johnson Sirleaf worked for many years in international organizations - the World Bank, the IMF, the IBRD, etc. She then served as Deputy Minister and Minister of Finance of Liberia. Since becoming President, she has made great efforts to bring relative peace and order to the country, which has been completely ravaged by years of war, and to attract investors to the Liberian economy. Using its international connections, it has" forgiven " Liberia's $ 4 billion external debt.

Currently, Johnson Sirleaf's activities are largely responsible for restoring the country's economy and infrastructure, creating free trade zones, and increasing exports of iron ore, precious wood, rubber, diamonds, gold, cocoa, coffee, and palm oil. The Government is actively fighting corruption. After being re-elected for a second term, the President dismissed her son and 45 senior officials as vice-President of the Central Bank of Liberia for concealing income. The combination of political rationalism with financial and economic experience allowed her to lead the country out of a prolonged economic crisis and achieve a relative stabilization of the internal political situation.

Topic of N. N. Rodionova's speech : Albert Zafi-scientist and politician, 5th President of the Republic of Madagascar (1993-1996). A. Zafi was a politician of a new formation. An intellectual, a human rights activist, an honest and uncompromising man, he came to power in the general election, which he defeated the then President of the country, Didier Ratsiraku (1976-1993). Zafi tried to use the democratic values of Western political culture in the management of Malagasy society. But in the context of a transitional society, this met with resistance from the old political elite and led to a crisis in the country.

Zafi's personality left a noticeable mark on the political life of Madagascar in the early 1990s. Malagasy people considered him the "conscience of the nation". Despite the setbacks that accompanied him as president, A. Zafi retained his reputation as a"democrat and lawyer". He currently heads the opposition National Reconciliation Committee.

Report by N. V. " Helen Zille Political Portrait" was dedicated to a white South African woman, an influential public figure in South Africa. In the 1970s, Zille was a reporter for South Africa's largest newspaper, the Rand Daily Mail, and was active in the opposition movement, becoming known as a hard - line critic of apartheid. In the 1980s, she became an activist of the opposition movement "Black Ribbon", for her activities directed against the white minority regime, was arrested and received a suspended prison sentence, and was forced to hide from the police with her two-year-old son. In 2004, Zille became a Member of Parliament for the Democratic Alliance, a liberal party opposed to the African National Congress. In 2006, she was elected mayor of Cape Town, the only white mayor of a major South African city who did not represent the ruling party, and the only woman. In just three years, it managed to deal a sensitive blow to corruption, which immediately affected the local economy: the turnover of the city's economy increased by $ 3 billion in two years. The Cape Town Mayor's Office has funds to fight drug addiction and crime, as well as to solve the following problems:

numerous housing and communal problems. In 2008, Zille was named the best mayor in the world by a list of 820 candidates for this title.

Currently, Zille is the Premier of the Western Cape Province, a member of the provincial Parliament, leader of the opposition Democratic Alliance, and an activist of the international human rights organization Liberal International.

In her report "China in Africa: Relying on Power Structures", Deutsch T. examined the peculiarities of relations between the leaders of the PRC and African political leaders. In her opinion, the Chinese leadership is aware that political life in Africa is not centered on a party with its own agenda, but on a specific person with whom Africans pin their hopes for the future.

The Chinese leaders ' statements emphasize the need to establish equal relations with Africa and take into account the views of African leaders on all issues of bilateral contacts. A major role in Chinese diplomacy is played by the ceremonial meetings with African leaders, who are received in Beijing with full honors. In 2012 alone, leaders from 13 countries of the continent visited China, including South African President Jacob Zuma, South Sudanese President Salva Kiir, and others. In July 2013, then-Nigerian President Goodluck Jonathan and Sierra Leonean leader Ernest Bai Koroma visited Beijing, and in August of the same year, Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta made his first state visit to Beijing. A unique phenomenon was the representative Forum of China-Africa Cooperation founded by the People's Republic of China, whose summits and conferences are held once every three years, alternately in China and African countries.

In 2006, the Beijing Forum was attended for the first time by African heads of State. The total number of guests arriving from the African continent reached 2 thousand people. 35 delegations were headed by heads of State. The scale and solemnity of the event showed the importance that Beijing attached to strengthening ties with the leadership of African countries. Chinese leaders actively use diplomatic channels to create an image of the PRC in Africa as a friendly country, ready to provide political support to Africans and counting on a response from the continent's states in matters of international politics. Active diplomatic exchanges, including at the highest levels, and pompous diplomatic events, which are regarded in Africa as evidence of China's special attention to it, contribute to Beijing's important task of gaining allies that can help China continue to grow and strengthen its international position, including in Africa.

One of the main principles on which China's current policy in Africa is based is non - interference in the internal affairs of the continent's countries. China does not support the opposition, no matter what slogans it may use. China is ready to develop mutually beneficial relations with all African leaders, regardless of how their views and actions are perceived on other continents.

China's practice of dealing with ostracized regimes in the West is often sharply criticized by the Western public. Beijing is accused of being unscrupulous and willing to turn a blind eye to violations of rights and freedoms in "undemocratic" countries such as Sudan or Zimbabwe for commercial gain. In turn, the leaders of countries that the West has turned its back on appreciate Beijing's attention and assistance to them.

The Arab Spring has dealt a significant blow to the Chinese concept of "non-interference" in the internal affairs of other countries. The Chinese leadership had economic interests in Egypt and maintained close contacts with Hosni Mubarak, but the Chinese response to the fall of his regime was to call for stability in the country and non-interference in the affairs of the Arab country.

Meanwhile, the crisis situations in Africa and the Arab world are increasingly clearly affecting China's interests due to its growing involvement in the affairs of the region and the active penetration of countries with hydrocarbon resources into the oil sector. The PRC sees the immediate danger in the growing aggression of Islamic fundamentalism, which poses a threat not only to Chinese companies operating in Asia and Africa, but also to China itself, since among those recruited into the ranks of terrorists and participating in the armed struggle in Syria and Iraq, there are also Chinese citizens. China is guided by pragmatic considerations, seeking to maintain relations with political leaders in power and minimize damage to its own economic and political interests on the continent.

Summing up the results of the round table, participants highlighted the key role of political leaders in the socio-economic and political development of Africa, especially in the context of instability typical for most of the continent's States.

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