Keywords: Africa, leadership, power relations, political culture, traditional structures

On April 22, 2015, the Institute of Africa of the Russian Academy of Sciences hosted a round-table discussion on "Political Leadership in Africa: Past and Present". It was dedicated to the memory of Nikolai Dmitrievich Kosukhin (1932-2014), a well-known Russian political scientist and Africanist, who made a great contribution to the study of political leadership in Africa.

The discussion was organized by the Center for Sociological and Political Studies of the IAfr RAS. The discussion was attended by the staff of the Institute of Africa.

POWER: LAW, CHARISMA, AND TRADITION

The discussion was opened by the head of the Center, Ph. D. V. P. Morozov. In his speech, he emphasized the special importance that the role of a political leader acquires in the context of unstable conflict and crisis development in African countries. African society, while remaining committed to traditional, historically formed socio-political structures, in his opinion, is increasingly adapting to modern forms of political governance, elements of Western political culture, and the principles of political leadership and adapting them to itself.

V. P. Morozov believes that this is why the African practice of political leadership is diverse and contradictory, representing a combination of a number of varieties of this phenomenon: traditional leadership, in which the power of the leader is based on the sanctity of traditions and reverence for the authority of the government itself; and charismatic leadership, when the leader is endowed with strong and exceptional, almost mystical properties and rational-legal leadership, based on the law and the general expediency of the existing order.

V. P. Morozov emphasized that the effectiveness of government and political leadership is determined by their legitimacy and the support of broad segments of the population.

E. N. Korendyasov (Ph. D. in Economics, Head of the Center for Russian-African Relations, IAfr RAS) gave a speech on the influence of traditional leaders on the formation of political leadership in Africa. He focused on the special significance of the leader in African society. In his opinion, a change of leader leads to changes in the political class and in business structures. E. N. Korendyasov believes that the key role of traditional authorities and power structures will remain in Africa for a long time to come. The democratic system of changing power often does not work there. The speaker drew attention to the process of weakening statehood and replacing the emerging power vacuum with traditional structures. This is especially true in West African countries. It is important to note that in the constitutions of a number of countries there are special articles on the place of leaders in parliaments and local authorities.

The report " Modern problems of political leadership in Africa "was also presented by the author of this review (L. M. Sadovskaya, Candidate of Historical Sciences). In the review, special attention was paid to three problems: the change of power or the" problem of the third term"; modern criteria for the success of political leadership in Africa; the influence of an external factor on the effectiveness of government. The presentation referred to three typical cases of a change of power in Africa: a military coup; the so-called "agreed option", which includes cases with clear signs of the "successor" model; and the democratic option. Constitutional restrictions on the powers of the President for two terms in most African countries often lead to the desire to abolish them as an exception.

The speaker focused on the formation of a new type of government, in which the charismatic elements inherent in the institution of power itself do not depend on the personal traits of the ruler. Charisma is generated not so much by his personal qualities as by the masses led by him, who feel defenseless without a leader, without voluntary submission to his will. This state, according to the speaker, is inherent in societies with an insufficiently developed economy and an unstable political system.

The report focused on the impact of external factors on political stability and political leadership in Africa.

INFLUENCE OF AN EXTERNAL FACTOR

In her report "China in Africa: Relying on Power structures" T. L. Deitch (Doctor of Historical Sciences, Center for Russian-African Relations, IAfr RAS) drew attention to the important role of relations between Chinese leaders and African political leaders. In her opinion, the Chinese leadership pays tribute to the fact that in the center of the political process in the countries of the Tropical

Africa is not a party with its own agenda, but a specific person with whom Africans pin their hopes in the present and future.

A unique phenomenon is the representative Forum of China-Africa Cooperation, founded by the People's Republic of China in 2006, which is attended by heads of state and meets every three years alternately in China and in African countries.

T. L. Deutsch argues that non-interference in the internal affairs of the continent is one of the main principles on which China's relations with African political leaders are built. According to the speaker, China never supports the opposition, no matter what slogans it may use, but on the contrary, provides diplomatic assistance to the current government structures of African states. This practice of China in relations with African countries is the subject of criticism from the West. In turn, the leaders of countries that the West has turned its back on highly appreciate Beijing's attention to them.

Today, according to T. L. Deutsch, China is guided by pragmatic considerations, seeking to maintain relations with political leaders in power, while minimizing damage to its own economy and political interests in the region.

N. Z. Fakhrutdinova (Center for Sociological and Political Studies, IAfr RAS) addressed the problem of the influence of Islam on political leadership in the Arab countries of Africa. In her opinion, the formation of leadership qualities among Muslims occurs at two interrelated levels: internal and external. Any leader must have a strong political masculinity and charisma, as well as a political culture.

According to N. Z. Fakhrutdinova, the political culture of the Arabs is based primarily on the religious worldview that dominates it. Every Arab feels part of two communities: Arabic and Islamic. Islam, the speaker says, is a kind of national idea, a hope for the future. Another feature of the Arab political culture is that they are somewhat alien to individualism, which is the basis of civil society in Western countries. Sharia law is based on the idea of obligations imposed on a person, not on the rights that they can have.

N. Z. Fakhrutdinova draws attention to the peculiarities of the political culture of the Arabs, which lead to authoritarianism in the political activities of their leaders: chiefdom, reverence for the leader - a popular tradition. The speaker claims that the events of the " Arab Spring "" removed " charismatic leaders from the political arena, divided the Arabs. For the first time, inter-Arab relations are being defamed and the very fact of Arab unity, which was the basis of the political behavior of Arab leaders, is being questioned.

Another important point that the researcher focused her attention on is the change in the attitude of the world community towards Islam in connection with the actions of ISIL/IS. There are now elements of Islamophobia in the relations of Western countries with Muslim states.

The role of trade unions in shaping political leadership in Africa was discussed by O. B. Gromova (Candidate of Historical Sciences, Center for Sociological and Political Studies, IAfr RAS). In her opinion, one of the characteristic features of the formation of the African political elite is the close relationship and cooperation of trade union and party-political leadership. In Africa, the interweaving of these two categories of leadership is more pronounced than anywhere else.

And this is historically determined. Their formation and development took place under the specific conditions of the colonial regime. The leaders of the first indigenous political organizations were usually the organizers and leaders of the first trade unions. The interaction of political nationalist parties and trade unions with their leaders was a decisive factor in the national liberation struggle of African peoples.

O. B. Gromova believes that trade unions are a kind of" forge of African political cadres","school of political leadership". Trade unionists were in some cases also the founders of political organizations of the African population. For example, the leader and hero of the Nigerian trade union movement M. Imodu, prominent Kenyan and African trade unionist D. Akumu, Moroccan-Mahjoub ben Seddik, Guinean-Sekou Toure, Siaka Stevene - in Sierra Leone, Frederick Chiluba - in Zambia, Morgan Tsvangirai - in Zimbabwe. The General Secretary of the ruling ANC party in South Africa is a former leader of the miners ' trade union. O. B. Gromova concluded that many well-known representatives of the political elite (including presidents) in African countries began their journey into politics and power as activists of national trade unions.

EVOLUTION AND REVOLUTIONS

The discussion of this topic began with a speech by V. I. Gusarov (Doctor of Geographical Sciences)- "D. M. Nimeiri: political leadership and socio-political evolution". The speaker noted that by the time Nimeiri came to power in 1969, Sudan had undergone an exceptionally complex evolution, having achieved independence in 1956. The change of several political regimes inevitably affected the socio-economic development of the country. During this period, Sudan has repeatedly changed its forms of government - from parliamentary democracy to military dictatorship. Their essence remained the same: the rule of representatives of the national bourgeoisie and the feudal lords, their various coalitions represented by different political parties.

As a result of the coup of May 25, 1969, carried out by the military under the leadership of Nimeiri, the revolutionary democratic forces came to power in the country. The coup was called the "May Revolution"or" May 25 Revolution". This is the beginning of General Nimeiri's 16-year period of political leadership in Sudan. The supreme body of the new government, the Revolutionary Council, and the Government, along with the military, included civilians, including communists. During this period, relations with the USSR and other countries were actively developing.-

countries of the socialist community.

But the sharp struggle of political forces in the country, which began in the second half of the 70s, weakened the ruling coalition and led to two coup attempts (July 19, 1971 and July 2, 1976), after which Sudan was swept by a wave of terror and repression.

V. I. Gusarov believes that an important direction in the further political evolution of the Sudanese regime in the late 1970s and early 1980s was the officially proclaimed policy of so-called national reconciliation with parties and organizations operating underground and outside of Sudan. By this time, Soviet-Sudanese relations were virtually completely severed.

In April 1985, mass protests began in Sudan against the anti-people policies of the Nimeiri Government. As a result of the general strike, the Nimeiri regime fell. On April 6, 1985, the army took power in the country, and a transitional military council was formed, which held talks with a bloc of opposition parties.

According to the speaker, the overthrown Nimeiri regime, which pursued a policy of constant concessions to external pressure and suppressing the protests of the working masses, put Sudan on the verge of social collapse. Nimeiri's political leadership ended there, and he emigrated to Egypt.

In 1999, Nimeiri returned to Khartoum after a 14-year stay in exile and established the Nimeiri Development and Investment Company, which began operating in a number of sectors of the economy and social infrastructure. He created the Alliance of People's Workers ' Forces party.

L. Y. Prokopenko (Candidate of Historical Sciences, Center for Sociological and Political Studies of the IAfr RAS) gave a speech on the leaders of the opposition in the struggle for power in Zambia. The report noted that all elections in this country ended with a peaceful transfer of power, which has already become a tradition. Although opposition parties attempted to unite, they failed to undermine the country's political stability, although power changed radically twice: in 1991, when the United National Independence Party (UNIP), led by Kenneth Kaunda, transferred it to the Movement for Multiparty Democracy (DMD), led by Frederick Chiluba, and in 1991, when the United National Independence Party (UNIP), led by Kenneth Kaunda, transferred it to the Movement for Multiparty Democracy (DMD). in 2011, after the election victory of Michael Sata, leader of the opposition Patriotic Front (PF), established in 2001.

The opposition's influence increased after Chiluba abandoned plans to change the Constitution in 2001 in order to run for a third term. A number of new opposition leaders have emerged, most of whom were previously in the ruling DMD, but left it as a result of the split.

The leader of the Patriotic Front, M. Sata, participated in the presidential campaign 4 times before his election to the post of President of Zambia, gaining an increasing number of votes each time (2001-3.35%, 2006-29.4%, 2008-38.1%). M. Sata's victory in 2011 meant the victory of the opposition bloc and the peaceful transfer of power in Zambia. After the death of M. Sata (in October 2014), Edgar Lungu, a candidate from his party (PF), won the early presidential election. His opponent was the leader of the United National Development Party (UNDP), Hakainde Hichilema, who has been running for president since the 2006 elections. And although the gap between him and the newly elected president was minimal (1.66% of the vote), nevertheless, he did not officially challenge the results in court. By this act, X. Hichilema broke with the decades - old tradition of the Zambian opposition, which considered the results of the last election rigged.

L. Y. Prokopenko believes that Zambia, thanks to the balanced policy of its leaders, has been one of the examples of ethno-political stability in Africa for all 50 years of independent development.

T. S. Denisova (Ph. D. in History, Head of the IAfr Center for the Study of Tropical Africa) made a presentation on "The 2015 presidential elections in Nigeria and the factor of political leadership". She focused on the reasons for the defeat of the then-incumbent Christian President, Goodluck Jonathan, in the March 2015 presidential election. He lost to opposition candidate Mohammad Buhari, for whom this victory was a " second coming to power." The first took place in December 1983, when M. Buhari became the ruler of Nigeria as a result of a military coup. And in August 1985, he was overthrown by a group of military men and was in prison until 1988.

Even in 2011, when Jonathan was elected to the highest state post, Muslim politicians in the North were dissatisfied with his victory in the presidential election. They did not want a southerner to become the head of state, thereby violating the established principle of alternating between Christian southerners and Muslim northerners in the highest state post.

Jonathan's rise to power coincided with a sharp destabilization of the political situation in the country as a result of Boko Haram's activities. The President saw the reason for the deterioration of the situation in the military and civilian politicians, unable to coordinate efforts, resist chaos and anarchy. The head of state was also afraid of the Northerners. Not wanting to spoil relations with them in the run-up to the 2015 elections, he literally bribed Muslim communities by giving them millions of dollars, which they took, not wanting to vote for him at all. He did the same for Christian communities, but mostly in his home region of the Niger Delta.

T. S. Denisova argues that the failure of the regime to effectively counter Islamic extremism determined Jonathan's defeat.

Buhari, who succeeded him, went down in Nigerian history not only as the toughest head of state, but also as a consistent fighter against corruption - the latter, along with security issues, became the main argument of his 2015 election program. In addition, Buhari said that he realized his past mistakes related to the disregard for human rights.

Nigerians believed that it was he who would defeat corruption and Boko Haram. But, according to the speaker, too little time has passed since Buhari came to power to make any forecasts. Although, in her opinion, human transformations are also possible as a result of many years of vigils. But we should not forget that Buhari was a consistent supporter of Sharia law in Nigeria, although now he declares respect for all faiths.

COUNTRY BY COUNTRY

The role of modern political leaders was discussed in the speeches of the staff of the Center for Sociological and Political Studies of the IAfr RAS I. G. Rybalkina (Ph. D.) and N. V. Grishina( Ph. D.), O. S. Kulkova (Ph. D., Center for Russian-African Relations of the IAfr RAS), S. M. Shlenskaya (Ph. D., Center for International Relations of the IAfr RAS). IAfr RAS), N. N. Rodionova.

I. G. Rybalkina gave a detailed account of the activities of Liberian President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf , the first and only female president in the history of Africa (since 2006). she was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. I. G. Rybalkina drew attention to the fact that, after becoming President, E. Johnson Sirleaf made great efforts to establish peace and order in the country completely ravaged by many years of war, which helped attract investors to the Liberian economy. Using her international financial and economic ties, the President secured a write-off of $4 billion from Liberia. external debt.

The speaker believes that the Government of this country is taking active measures in the fight against corruption. As a result of the measures taken, the economy is growing steadily and inflation is decreasing. After being re-elected for a second presidential term in 2011, Johnson Sirleaf announced her intention to create a national unity government that would include representatives of opposition parties. According to I. G. Rybalkina, the combination of gender socio-political orientation in her activities in combination with political rationalism, brilliant financial and economic education and its long-term application in practice allowed E. Johnson Sirleaf to lead the country out of the most severe prolonged political and economic crisis and achieve relative socio-political and economic stabilization.

N. V. Grishina in her report "Helen Winter: a political portrait" gave an assessment of the activities of one of the largest politicians and public figures in South Africa. H. Zille began her public activity in journalism, where she became known as an opponent of apartheid. She was arrested and given a suspended prison sentence. In the 1980s and 1990s, she worked in public relations at the University of Cape Town, where she became head of one of the oldest schools in South Africa, Feldhausen Primary School. In 1999, she became a member of the Provincial Council and worked on education issues. In 2004, H. Zille was a Member of Parliament for the Democratic Alliance, a liberal party opposed to the African National Congress (ANC).

In the 2006 municipal elections, H. Zille was elected Mayor of Cape Town. In this position, she has done a lot to fight corruption and environmental pollution. Thanks to her efforts, it was possible to reduce the level of crime and unemployment. For this in 2008. she was named the best mayor in the world.

In her report, N. V. Grishina emphasized the important role played by H. Zille as the leader of the Democratic Alliance party, to which she was elected in 2007. This party won the second place after the ANC in all parliamentary elections (in 2009 and 2014). Moreover, every year it gained more and more votes, being the leading opposition force in South Africa.

O. S. Kulkova's report was dedicated to the leader of Senegal, the current President Macky Sall, who came to power in 2012, replacing A. Wade. The desire of A. Wade to change the constitution in favor of a "third term" caused indignation among Senegalese people and led to his defeat in the second round of voting. O. S. Kulkova drew attention to the role of Islam in the country. She believes that M. Sall, unlike A. Wad, who maintained close ties with the influential caliphs of the Muridiyya order, seeks to preserve the more secular nature of the state and that the initiatives taken by him in this direction were perceived negatively by the Murids. According to the speaker, the election of President M. Sall confirmed Senegal's reputation as one of the most stable democracies in West Africa.

N. N. Rodionova 's report"Albert Zafi - leader of Madagascar" assessed the activities of the President of the Republic of Madagascar, Albert Zafi. Thanks to his uncompromising struggle against the authoritarian regime of D. Ratsiraki, he came to power in March 1993. His rule was marked by the formation of new political institutions in the country and the strengthening of the role of parliament. During his rule (1993-1996), attempts were made to establish a parliamentary regime in the country. But economic difficulties and the resistance of the old political elite led the country to a crisis and did not allow A. Zafi to realize this task. On July 26, 1996, the National Assembly impeached him.

In her report "Ensuring political stability on the example of the leaders of Tanzania, Madagascar, and Rwanda" , S. M. Shlenskaya drew attention to the problems of legitimacy of power and taking into account the regional and traditional characteristics of these countries.

The participants of the round table, taking into account the relevance of the issues discussed at it, suggested continuing work on them at the Center for Political and Sociological Problems of the IAfr RAS.

The review was prepared by L. M. SADOVSKAYA, Candidate of Historical Sciences, Institute of Africa, Russian Academy of Sciences

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