None of his contemporaries had such a large and profound impact on the social and intellectual life of Egypt in the XX century. Like Mohammed Abdo, who is rightly recognized as " the creator of thinking Egypt ." The doctrine and public activities of Abdo remain relevant to this day and arouse unflagging interest in the Islamic world. The most important document of the Egyptian revolution, the "Charter", presented on May 21, 1962 by President Gamal Abdel Nasser, notes that the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, characterized by the imperialists as a time of stagnation, actually became one of the most fruitful in the history of Egypt - a period of searching for spiritual potential and accumulating energy for a new struggle. It was at this time that Muhammad Abdo raised his voice calling for a religious reformation (Al-Misak, 1962, p. 30). It is no exaggeration to note that Abdo played the same role in the history of Egypt and Islam as Luther did in Germany and Christianity, despite the fact that their missions took place in different historical settings and were separated by four centuries. Like Luther, who rejected the tenets of Catholicism in the words of the Bible, Abdo criticized taqlid1 Referring to the provisions of the Qur'an. And most importantly, their reform activities promoted freedom of thought and the emancipation of the mind.

Keywords: Islamic reformism, Islamic modernism, pan-Islamism, reformation, reinterpretation of Islam, true Islam.

Abdo was born in 1849 to a wealthy religious peasant family in the village of Hissat Shabshir in Gharbiya province, and spent his childhood in the small village of Mahallat Nasr in Buheira province. He received his primary religious education from various sheikhs in his village, and after becoming a hafiz, he was sent to the theological school in Tanta, after which in 1866 he entered the Islamic University of Al-Azhar, where he graduated in 1877 with the diploma of alim (scholar). In the same year, he began teaching at Al-Azhar, and a year later - at the School of Languages and the newly opened Teachers ' College Dar al-ulum (House of Sciences).

In 1872, Abdo met Jamal al-Din al-Afghani, a prominent Islamic thinker, founder of the pan - Islamic doctrine and father of the Muslim Reformation, and soon became his closest disciple and follower. The latter introduced him to modern translated European works, arousing his interest in the current religious and political problems of Egypt. After the expulsion of al-Afghani from Egypt (August 1879) for "sedition", Abdo was removed from all his posts, he was ordered to return to his village, giving up political activities. Obviously, the reason for this decision is

Taqlid 1 ( Arabic, tradition, tradition) - unconditional recognition of authorities, in socio-political literature - conservatism, for reformers of Islam - stagnation.

Hafiz 2 (Arabic) - a person who knows the Koran by heart.

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3Khedive had articles by Abdo in the newspaper Al-Ahram reflecting al-Afghani's views. However, in 1880, after a change in the political situation, on the recommendation of Prime Minister Riyad Pasha, Khedive Tawfiq summoned him to Cairo and appointed him first as one of the editors and then as editor-in-chief of the official newspaper Al-Waqai al-Mysriya (Egyptian News), which he sought to turn into a liberal-reformist newspaper expressing the sentiments of moderate followers of al-Afghani [Brill's..., 1913, p. 678; Hourani, 1962, p. 133; Safran, 1961, p. 62; King, 1984, p. 99]. Abdo's articles on socio-political issues, especially issues of national education, language and religion, had a wide public response. On the eve of the anti-imperialist uprising of the army led by Urabi Pasha, he tried to exert a moderating influence on military leaders, admonishing them not to use weapons, trying to maintain a delicate balance in their ranks and prevent a foreign invasion of Egypt. Together with the well-known English liberal figure, orientalist and poet Wilfrid Blunt, Abdo developed the Program of the National Party (December 18, 1881), which was sent to the British Prime Minister Gladstone and, together with the latter's answer to it, published in the Times newspaper on January 1, 1882 (for the text of the Program, see [Blunt, 1907, p. 556 - 559]). However, after the outbreak of the uprising, he did not hesitate to join the military, becoming one of the leaders in the camp of Urabi Pasha, taking an active part in organizing resistance to the British intervention with his word and pen. After the British occupation of Egypt and the restoration of Khedive power (September 1882 Abdo was arrested, tortured, accused of signing Fatwa 4 deposing Khedive Tawfiq, and sentenced in late 1882 to three years in exile.

He went first to Beirut, and then, in early 1884, at the insistent request of al-Afghani, to Paris, where he helped his teacher organize a secret society and found the pan - Islamic anti-British literary and political weekly Al-Urwa al-Wuska ("The Strongest Link"), the first Arab political newspaper to be published in the United States. resolutely fought against the British occupation of Egypt. Al-Afghani provided the newspaper's ideological leadership, while Abdo wrote the most important articles. "The language of the weekly," Rashid Rida noted, "belonged to Abdo, while the thought belonged to al-Afghani" [Rida, vol. 1, 1931, p. 286; Khakimov, 1970, p. 241]. Despite its short-lived publication (18 issues were published from March to October 1884), the newspaper had a profound impact on the development of pan-Islamism, Islamic modernism and nationalism throughout the Muslim world. Abdo was deeply involved in the political plans and intrigues of Al-Afghani, went to London on the latter's assignment, and after the newspaper was closed, left for Tunisia, from where he secretly entered Egypt and tried to cross to the Mahdi in Sudan [Rida, vol. 1, 1931, pp. 380-381]. But like many of al-Afghani's other adventurous schemes, this one was doomed to fail. Abdo returned to Beirut, where, abandoning political activities, he moved to a quiet and quiet life as a teacher and scholar, intensively studying Islamic sciences and teaching at a theological school. He spent three years in Beirut. It was at this time that he translated al-Afghani's most significant work, Risalat al-radd 'ala ad-dah-riin ("Reply to the Materialists"), published in Beirut in 1886, from Persian to Arabic. In Beirut, as in Cairo, his home became a center of attraction for young publicists, scholars, and teachers - Christians, Druze, and Muslims-who came to him to supplement their knowledge of theology, Arabic, literature, and social life.

The Beirut years were a turning point in Abdo's worldview. He resolutely freed himself from the radicalism of his teacher and moved to the position of reformism, which was much more in line with his views and temperament. After expiration date

Khedive 3 (Persian, "lord") was the official title of the rulers of Egypt from 1867 to 1914.

Fatwa 4 (Persian, tur. from Arabic, fatwa-explanation) - a written opinion of the mufti (giving a fatwa) on a certain issue, establishing its compliance with Islam.

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after exile, the Khedive, in response to many petitions, allowed him to return to his homeland in 1888, where he soon became an ideologue and leader of the movement for the reformation of Islam and the forerunner of Egyptian liberalism. In contrast to his teacher, Abdo believed that no political upheaval could replace gradual transformation and gradual social and political transformations, consistent reforms in the field of mass education, primarily moral, ethical and spiritual, as the main condition for progress. His life experience and thoughts during the years of emigration led to the conclusion that the backward and weak Egyptian society is not capable of carrying out a successful revolution and expelling the British from Egypt. Therefore, he considered it expedient to abandon political activity, establish loyal relations with the British in the name of launching broad educational and public work and preparing the country for self-government. Thanks to his charm, intelligence and erudition, he developed friendly relations both with Lord Cromer, the British agent and Consul-General, the sole ruler of the country, and with the latter's most "eloquent opponent", the remarkable liberal writer, Orientalist, Egyptophile and poet Wilfred Blunt, "a rare man" who, being an aristocrat and a Tory According to academician F. A. Rothstein, "all my life I fought with British imperialism in the East and in Ireland" [Dolinina, 1968, p. 19-21; Rothstein, 1959, p. 15]. One of his best books, dedicated to Egypt, testifies not only to his sympathies, but also to a deep insight into Egyptian affairs, a broad intellectual communication with the most prominent figures of Egyptian history in the 1870s and 1890s, among which the palm certainly belonged to Abdo, to whom its second edition (1907) is actually dedicated., opening with a portrait of Abdo (Blunt, 1907).

In his homeland, Ustaz5 hoped to resume teaching, but the Khedive, unwilling to allow him to enter a field that offered opportunities for influencing young people, directed his energies to the legal field: first he was appointed a judge in the People's Courts of first instance, then an adviser to the Court of Appeal, and in 1899, not without influence He was appointed chief religious hierarch-Mufti of Egypt, the highest interpreter of Islam. In the same year, he became a member of the Legislative Council, which he took very seriously, hoping for its transformation into a true parliamentary body, emphasizing his complete depoliticization. This position he retained until the end of his life, despite the numerous and sometimes unseemly intrigues of his enemies. It was during this period that Abdo's worldview was finally formed as a reformer of Islam, a theorist and practitioner who sought to adapt the religion to the needs of modern society.

Ustaz's most important writings are theological treatises. "Risalat at-Tawhid "("Treatise on Monotheism", 1897) is his main work, based on lectures in Beirut, devoted to the doctrinal justification of the existence of one God and the Last Day, where the only source of faith is recognized as the Koran and only a small part of the Sunnah - those hadiths that are devoted to the life of the Prophet [Abdo, 1346 G. H., p. 224], " Al-Islam wa al-Nasraniyah m'a al-Ilm wa al-Madaniyah "("Islam and Christianity versus science and civilization") (first published in the weekly "Al-Manar" in 1901-1902) - a polemical essay devoted to the defense of Islam against Islamism. christianity and analysis of the relationship of these religions to science and civilization. Later there were several editions of this work under various names. "Tafsir Al-Manar" ("Commentaries of Al-Manar"), or" Tafsir Abdo "("Commentaries of Abdo"), an interpretation of the Koran, published in parts in" Al - Manar " in 1901-1904, is a valuable source for understanding the doctrine of Islamic modernism. The imam brought the comments to the 125th verse of the 4th Surah, and after

Ustaz 5 ( Arabic) - teacher, professor, mentor.

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After his death, his work was continued by Rashid Rida, who brought tafsir to the 93rd verse of the 9th Sura [Kirpichenko and Safronov, 2002, p. 117].

Abdo was an outstanding theologian, an expert on classical Arabic philosophy and theology. His attention was drawn to the religious and philosophical concepts of the school of Ibn Taymiyyah and Ibn al-Qayyim (their relation to Taqlid and Kalam)6, Al-Ghazali's ethical concepts, Ibn Khaldun's philosophy of history and sociological views. The Sheikh was concerned about the need to revise some of the Orthodox concepts that he believed prevented Islam from being the basis for the transformation of Muslim countries into a modern society. In an early article in Al-Ahram in 1876. he wrote: "The Ulama, who are the soul of the nation, have lost the ability to see the benefits of modern science. They continue to do things that were useful in times that are long gone, without understanding the obvious fact that we are living in a new world. ...We must study the achievements of other religions and countries in order to learn the secrets of their progress... We see no other reason for their wealth and power than their achievements in education and science. Therefore, it is our first duty to use all our strength to spread this science in our country "[Rida, vol. 2, 1939, p. 361]. In his mature years, the Imam had no doubt that Egypt and the Islamic world were threatened not so much by the material power of the West as by its challenges in the intellectual, social, and ethical dynamism that underlies Western superiority. Abdo was convinced that the answers to his problems could only be obtained by synthesizing the achievements of Western and Islamic thought.

Abdo was well acquainted with a number of works translated from English and French, and throughout his life systematically engaged in self-education, never missing an opportunity to expand his horizons. He learned French when he was in his forties, so that he could read the latest works of Western philosophers in the original, and visited Europe whenever he could, for " renewal, "as he put it, and to" revive the hope " that the Muslim world would recover from its state of stagnation. Thus, there is interesting evidence that he spent the summer of 1897 in Geneva, where he diligently attended lectures at the university, informally leading a small but brilliant group of young Egyptians (Saad Zaghlul, Qasim Amin, Ahmed Lutfi al-Sayyid, etc.) [Ahmed, 1960, p. 87; Hourani, 1962, p. 135].

His interests focused mainly on religious and social ethics, history, philosophy, and education: from positivists with their progressive secular conception of history (Comte, Spencer, Renan, Mill, and others) to social Darwinists with their belief in the inevitable evolutionary processes of human society. Ustaz approached the doctrines of European philosophers and sociologists selectively, for example, he excluded its secular, non-religious spirit from progressive secular history. Among European thinkers, the most attractive figure for him was the English philosopher and sociologist G. Spencer (introduction of historicism to the history of religions, the division of the world into the knowable and the unknowable, which act in Spencer as the "original cause", in recognition of which science and religion converge, the view of revolution as a "disease" of the social organism, etc.), who I went to Brighton to meet, and also translated the French version of his work on education. He was also an admirer of Tolstoy. Interest in the latter's writings was so great that shortly before his death Ustaz began a correspondence expressing his sympathies for the excommunicated writer [Brill's..., p. 679; Safran, 1961, p. 63; Rida, vol. 2, p. 361].

Abdo proceeded from the recognition of the idea of the defining role of religion in the history of society and peoples, of the special mission of Islam, which is destined to spread throughout the world.

Kalam is a speculative theology that interprets the tenets of Islam based on reason rather than following religious authorities.

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all over the world. Ustaz emphasized the universality of Islam, which in its original form is suitable for all countries and peoples, regardless of the stage of their development. In this case, he meant the" true Islam " of the early era, not tainted by later layers. To confirm their concept of the decisive role of Islam in ensuring the rapid rise of Arab society in the era of the Caliphate, the Sheikh and his followers noted that it was only through the adoption of the "true religion of God" that the backward, Jahili (pagan) barbaric Arab society, which did not even have statehood, created one of the great empires of the Middle Ages in the shortest historical time, reaching the heights world civilization and Culture [Abdo, 1923, pp. 63-74, 105, 128; Malyukovsky, 1959, pp. 134-137; Levin, 1979, p. 197].

The most revolutionary step in Abdo's doctrine is his interpretation of the Qur'an. Developing and deepening the ideas of his teacher about the greatness of the human mind and the need to adapt Islam to modern conditions, Abdo criticized Taqlid, strongly rejected the orthodox view that the doctrine and law of Islam were formulated once and for all by medieval theologians, and demanded the opening of the "doors of ijtihad", which were closed in the tenth century, i.e., the rights of a mujtahid (theologian) to interpret the Holy Scriptures and make decisions on matters of Fiqh7 and new Ijma (unanimous consent of authorities) in accordance with the requirements of the time. In other words, he advocated the right of every generation to return to the original sources of religion and interpret them in the light of changed conditions in accordance with their own worldview.

Ustaz wrote: "Islam has turned the hearts of the people away from exclusive attachment to the customs and practices of their fathers... he identified those who blindly accepted the words of their ancestors as stupidity and frivolity, and he drew attention to the fact that seniority in time is neither a sign of knowledge nor a sign of superior intelligence and wisdom... Indeed, "Abdo summarizes," the later generation knows the past events and has the opportunity to reflect on them, using their lessons, which their ancestors could not" [Abdo, 1923, pp. 176-177]. This position of Abdo, Safran noted, changed the simple and seductive concept of Islam as a fixed and unchanging doctrine and the law of God in favor of a more complex and dangerous doctrine. He believed in the absolute truth of the Qur'an, but the understanding of this truth was based on reason [Safran, 1961, p. 64].

Ustaz not only effectively revived ijtihad and justified the right of subsequent generations to return to the origins of Islam, but also radically diverged from Orthodox views in assessing the main sources of religion: the Koran, which is of primary importance, was fully recognized; as for the Sunnah (Tradition of the Prophet), the imam recognized only a small part of it as authentic. Most of the hadiths considered canonical by the Orthodox were classified by the sheikh as late fake inserts [Abdo, 1923, p. 224]. The value of the Sunnah was significantly devalued by the concept of Prophecy, according to which the infallibility of the Prophet Muhammad (and especially of other prophets) was limited to his mission as a transmitter of the divine message (Abdo, 1923, p.224). Outside of this function, although Muhammad was an outstanding figure, he was nevertheless, in the Sheikh's opinion, an ordinary person who was not alien to failures and mistakes. Although Ustaz highly valued the extra-prophetic work of Muhammad as a major socio-political and ethical reformer, this, in his opinion, did not give grounds for worship. Therefore, following theamong the Hanbalites, Wahhabis and other Puritans, Ustaz and his followers rejected the legitimacy of the existence of both trends, interpretations and sects, as well as the cult of saints and even the popular "Mawlid an-nabi" (the birthday of the Prophet Muhammad), which was declared an official holiday of the Ottoman Empire at the turn of the XVI-XVII centuries.

Fiqh 7 (Arabic, "understanding", "knowledge") is Muslim law.

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An important place in Abdo's teaching was occupied by the problem of interaction between religion and reason (science). At its very core, his approach to this issue was based on the consideration of these relations as a symbiosis, which perfectly reflects the nature of man as a thinking and feeling being. Ustaz, deeply convinced of the greatness of Revelation, sought to protect Islam and at the same time reconcile it with modern science, preserve the original purity and simplicity of faith - tawhid (unity of God) and achieve a symbiosis of the Koran and modern rationalism. He was convinced that knowledge and religion, properly understood, did not contradict each other. On the one hand, the imam was faced with Islam with its demand to express the will of Allah, adhere to the moral and ethical norms pleasing to God, and prevent the delusions of reason; on the other hand, the irreversible movement of modern civilization, which began in Europe and became world - wide, cannot be ignored by Muslims if they really strive to overcome backwardness and achieve progress. The Sheikh and his followers, trying to reconcile the religious and scientific worldviews, argued that each new scientific discovery only confirms the provisions of the Koran, in which infinite possibilities of knowledge are predetermined. Modernists (the sheikh and his followers) believed that science does not contradict Divine Revelation, and its achievements are anticipated by the Holy Book of Muslims; science only confirms the existence of an intelligent, one, omnipotent creator - God, and scientific discoveries confirm the basic tenets of true Islam. In the Qur'an, he found equivalents of the concepts of modern science, for example, He suggested that the jinn mentioned in the Holy Book should be considered as microbes, etc. [Brill's..., p. 679; Malyukovsky, 1959, p. 124; Masset, 1961, p. 199; Hourani, 1962, p. 161].

Reason confirms the validity and authority of certain propositions of religion, just as it allows religion to respond to the innate human craving for contact with the metaphysical world. Religion, on the other hand, gives emotional power to the mind's conclusions, which gives them vitality and prevents the mind from trying to speculate about the nature of the sacred "thing-in-itself." Abdo's concept of the relationship between reason and religion also implies a shift from the traditional commitment to literal interpretation and preoccupation with divine questions to an emphasis on the humanitarian ethical and social aspects of religion. He shared Ibn Khaldun's view of religion as a necessary condition for achieving individual and social happiness, as well as Al-Ghazali's view of it as a sphere of feelings (the heart), with respect to which external forms are only secondary. But he went further than both in curbing religious feelings, knowing from the history of Sufism to what abuses these feelings could lead [Safran, 1961, p. 65].

At the same time, it should be emphasized that Abdo never claimed that he managed to achieve complete harmony between the two poles of his teaching, that Islam unconditionally accepts everything created by Western civilization. However, when faced with real contradictions, he did not allow any uncertainty as to which of them should be preferred. "Religion is the prevailing sentiment, the scope of which is to discover the means of happiness that are not clearly discernible by reason. But it is the mind that has the defining word in recognizing this feeling, in directing its manifestation to the appropriate sphere, and in accepting the principles and rules of behavior that are necessary for this feeling" [Abdo, 1923, p.142]. Abdo, applying this rule to the Sunnah, wrote: "There is a general agreement among Muslims that in the event of a conflict between reason and what is given in the Tradition of the Prophet, preference should be given to the conclusions of reason" [Abdo, 1923, p.142].

Thus, to the key question about the role of reason, ustaz replied that it is called to serve as a guide in individual and social life, naturally based on Revelation and, by testing, confirming it. However, in this question,

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as in the postulate about the relative infallibility of the Prophet outside of his mission as a transmitter of the Divine message, it was characterized by a certain ambivalence: in the case of an irreconcilable (antagonistic) contradiction between religion and science, the question had to be "left to Allah and his understanding", i.e. it remained open, unresolved within the framework of ordinary human relations. At the same time, Abdo retained a certain set of fundamental Islamic principles, which were not subject to any changes. The Sheikh condemned the blind following and superficial perception of Western culture and the mechanical transfer of European institutions to Egyptian soil. He was an active advocate of the perception of European culture, but only if it was organically integrated into the culture of the Muslim East [Hourani, 1962, p. 161; Dolinina, 1968, p. 28].

By the time he returned to Egypt, Abdo was already a recognized authority on Islamic theology, enlightenment, and law. Ustaz was firmly convinced that Egypt, as well as Muslim society in general, needed not just reform, but a genuine religious reformation [Blunt, 1907, p. 106], and Al-Azhar, the world's largest and oldest Islamic university, was the most suitable and favorable platform for religious and scientific research. and cultural revival. The transformation of Al-Azhar will contribute, in his opinion, to the "reform of minds and hearts" not only in Egypt, but also in the entire Islamic world [Sharipova, 1971, p.246].

In 1889, the Sheikh sent Kromer a project for the reform of religious education in Egypt, which focused on Al-Azhar as the main link of theological science and education. The modernization of Al-Azhar was supposed to lead to the spread of "true Islam" in Egypt and throughout the Muslim world. Attempts to modernize the world-famous university were carried out throughout the 19th century, but their real results were insignificant due to the desperate resistance of teachers, the bulk of whom consisted of traditionalist theologians, defenders of "eternal Islamic values". It took several years of hard work to convince the young Khedive Abbas II Helmi to establish an Administrative Council of Al-Azhar headed by the rector (sheikh). And Abdo, who was included in the Council as a representative of the Government, became its soul and de facto leader. The work of the Council was conducted in an atmosphere of intense struggle with orthodox sheikhs and Ulama. Despite opposition and organized harassment, Abdo's lectures were held in crowded classrooms, attracting an increasing number of students, who were attracted by Ustaz Imam's ability to connect the most complex issues of theology with the current problems of Egypt, simplicity and clarity of speech. The growing popularity of Abdo was reflected in the work of the Council, whose recommendations led to the adoption of laws that provided for the modernization of the structure and internal regulations, teaching methods, curricula and rules of admission to the university. Work began on the creation of modern textbooks that were supposed to replace medieval manuals. At the same time, special attention was paid to the resumption of studying the works of the classics of Arabic philosophy, theology and history. It also provided for the gradual introduction of new subjects, such as ethics, history of Islam, geography, and in the future - the basics of mathematics and science.

Abdo used his influence to significantly improve the financial situation and sanitary conditions, as well as to improve the general moral and psychological climate of Al-Azhar: a building was purchased at the expense of the state and the Waqf department for student dormitories and teacher apartments, a university library and polyclinic were opened, and free treatment was provided, which reduced the incidence of diseases among students, and the number of the size of food rations, increased scholarships and salaries of students and teachers.

His fatwas, which allowed Muslims to invest money in banks and receive interest, became very famous in the world, which legitimized the leader's activities.-

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This was followed by the organization of national banks, which allowed the wearing of a European suit and hat, approved the practice of painting, sculpture and photography, depicting people and animals, and lifted the ban on Muslims to eat meat from animals slaughtered by non-Muslims.

These famous fatwas brought him fame as the most educated and advanced alim in Egypt and throughout the Islamic world. He became one of the most influential and revered people in his country. However, Abdo's program to modernize Al-Azhar and his fatwas drew sharp criticism and opposition in the orthodox circles of the Ulama and sheikhs and the Khedive himself, who also became extremely jealous of the popularity and unquestionable authority of ustaz among Azhariots, especially young people. No less serious were their disagreements on the issue of spending the funds of the Waqf department, which is not under the control of the occupation authorities. As a result, the imam lost the support of the Khedive, who, taking advantage of the fact that the Orthodox declared some of the reformer's fatwas heretical, ordered in March 1905 to withdraw Abdo and his supporters from the Administrative Council [Malyukovsky, 1952, p. 116-123; Tignor, 1966, p. 345; Kirillina, 1989, p. 171-173].

Active opposition and short-term implementation of reforms did not allow the implementation of the Sheikh's extensive program. At the same time, even at the initial stage of transformation, they were so profound that they ensured the irreversibility of their implementation in the time following the death of Abdo (July 11, 1905). Thus, in accordance with the law of 1908, arithmetic, the principles of geometry and algebra, geography, natural science and literature were included in the university curriculum, work began on the preparation of modern textbooks and the publication of works by classics of Arabic medieval thought instead of simplified and emasculated surrogates of their works created by medieval apologists of Taqlid. In 1911, a law was passed aimed at improving the administration, improving the structure and methodology of teaching in Al-Azhar.

Despite the conservatism of Al-Azhar, among its pupils were many outstanding figures of national culture who not only contributed to the reform of the oldest Islamic university, but also made a great contribution to the modernization of Egypt (Abdo, Saad Zaghlul, Ali Yusuf, Taha Hussein, Ahmed Amin, etc.). Most of them, recalling the years spent in the Islamic State of Egypt. In Al-Azhar, they criticized traditional methods and forms of teaching and made suggestions for improving the learning process.

An important area of Abdo's activity was the reform of Fiqh (Muslim jurisprudence) and Sharia courts; the Sheikh spent a lot of effort on improving the efficiency and democratization of the judiciary. Qasim Amin (1865 - 1908), an outstanding public figure and well-known lawyer, who was known for his civic courage and was the first to openly and publicly advocate for the emancipation of Muslim women, wrote about Abdo's merits in improving judicial institutions [Amin, 1912, p.113].

One of the important prerequisites for the success of the reform of Islam, according to Ustaz, was the renewal of the Arabic language to meet the needs of the era and the creation of a new journalistic style based on the revival of the original purity of the Arabic literary language, as well as the introduction of neologisms, most often borrowed from Europe, which would supplement the scientific terminology of, p. 17]). In the last quarter of the 19th and early 20th centuries, journalism became the first new independent genre of Arabic literature, which played a decisive role in the development of new linguistic and stylistic norms. Abdo was the first among Egyptian publicists to depart from the old canons of traditional high style (first in 1880-1882. as the editor - in-chief of Al-Waqai al-Misriyah, then in 1884. in Al-Urwa al-wuska) and made a contribution to the publication.

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a significant contribution to the formation of a new prose style, subordinating the word to thoughts, and the form to content. His example was followed by other prominent publicists and journalists (Adib Ishaq, Abdallah Nadeem, Ali Yusuf, Mustafa Kamil, Qasim Amin, etc.). The imam-professor's movement towards a "free style" was connected with his educational and religious-renewal tasks. He fought for the renewal of the journalistic style, choosing for himself a model of some Arab thinkers-classics, and the ideal for him was the simple and clear style of Ibn Khaldun's work "Muqaddimah" ("Introduction") [Dolinina, 1968, pp. 29-31].

In matters of the political structure of society, Abdo advocated the restoration of a true caliphate, in which the caliph (sovereign) is endowed only with the highest spiritual authority and is the main mujtahid (the highest interpreter of Fiqh); he should enjoy moral and religious authority, but not be a political leader. The unity of the Ummah must have a moral basis, which did not exclude the existence of national states that functioned under the religious sovereignty of the Caliph. The ideal ruler of the state, according to Abdo, should be a just sovereign (sultan, khedive, etc.), who rules in accordance with Sharia and consults with the leaders of the people. Abdo, like al-Afghani, belonged to the category of Muslim faqihs who believed that the Ummah had the right to remove an unjust ruler if the welfare of the community required it. These principles explain his attitude to modern political systems.

During the Urabi Pasha revolt and the publication of Al-Urwa al-Wuska, he opposed both Eastern (Khedive) despotism and foreign (English) rule. In the last period of his life, according to Blunt, the sheikh considered the British model to be the best form of political organization under occupation, with no mention of religion, except for the statement that the prime minister should be a Muslim [Blunt, 1907, p. 106, 557].

Abdo's teachings, activities, and personality aroused intense discussions and diametrically opposed opinions among his contemporaries, ranging from admiration and admiration to the sharpest criticism and complete rejection. At the same time, it should be noted that in the last years of his life, he was surrounded by a group of few but devoted friends, followers and students, some of whom were to play a prominent role in the life of the country. His books, articles, fatwas and commentaries of the Koran were carefully and interestedly read and re-read by representatives of the intellectual elite (brothers Fathi and Saad Zaghluly, Qasim Amin, Ahmed Lutfi al-Said, etc.). On the other hand, most of the theological class, which belonged to the traditional clergy, considered Abdo a heretic, atheist and materialist, whose activities, in their opinion, dealt an irreparable blow to the foundations of religion. The Sheikh's personality and ideas were openly negatively perceived by such influential people as Khedive Abbas and Mustafa Kamil. The former hated him, and it was only through Kromer's personal support that the sheikh was able to retain the position of mufti; as for Mustafa, they, along with political differences, "did not find each other pleasant": Abdo categorically did not take Kamil seriously, and the "tribune of Egypt" criticized the Mufti for being "overly concerned about the fact that the Mufti was a Muslim." to maintain their official influence" [Hourani, 1962, p. 160]. The authorities of Istanbul took a very tough stance towards the Islamic reform movement, which banned the propaganda of Abdo's teachings and his followers on the territory of the empire [Hourani, 1962, p. 135 - 136, 158 - 160].

Abdo's characterization would be incomplete without touching on his relationship with Kromer: they shared a sense of mutual affection and friendship. In his book Modern Egypt, the Consul General devoted two and a half pages to Abdo. Sheikh, a man of "broad and enlightened views", "dreamy and impractical","...I realized the need for European assistance in the reform process." According to Kromer, Abdo was "a true Egyptian patriot", which "would have been very good for the Egyptian people."

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patriotism, if there were more people like it." Kromer emphasized that the imam and his group are "natural allies of the European reformer" and said that they should be supported in every possible way. Giving a socio-political assessment of the "imam's party", Lord believed that its members "were Girondists of the Egyptian national movement" [Cromer, 1908, p. 179-180].

The life and work of Muhammad Abdo can be divided into three periods. The first was during his apprenticeship (1849-1882), when he was under the influence and charm of his teacher and spiritual mentor Jamal ad-Din al-Afghani. At the same time, some independent assessments of events both in Egypt and in the Muslim world as a whole are already emerging and maturing in these years. After the expulsion of al-Afghani from Egypt in 1879, Ustaz became the recognized spiritual leader of Al-Azhar. His articles of 1879-1882 in the progressive press already indicate quite definite liberal-reformist sentiments, in contrast to the extremely radical views of his teacher. During the Urabi Pasha revolt, the Sheikh, who was respected among the revolutionary army leaders, led a relatively small liberal opposition. Abdo spoke out against violence and warned that the country was not prepared for a successful anti-colonial armed struggle. Nevertheless, when it began, he did not hesitate to take an active part in the uprising.

The years of exile constitute the second, transitional period (1882-1888). The most important facts of his biography abroad: participation in the founding of a joint revolutionary society with al-Afghani and the newspaper of the same name "Al-Urwa al-wuska", which was supposed to be turned into a coordinating center for the liberation struggle of Muslim peoples (1884); an unsuccessful mission to the Sudan via Egypt to meet with the Mahdi (1885), Apparently, he became a teacher and returned to Lebanon; translated from Persian into Arabic and published al-Afghani's "Reply to the Materialists" (1886) and taught at the theological school in Beirut (until 1888).

With his return to his homeland, the third, mature and most fruitful period of his life begins, when he becomes the founder and recognized leader of the Egyptian Modernist school, having had a profound impact on the development of Islamic thought in the XX century. In theory, starting from the theological and philosophical principles and postulates of al-Afghani, he significantly deepened and developed them. In practice, unlike al-Afghani, who was a proponent of radical and decisive action, Ustaz was a consistent and staunch advocate of religious reformation and gradualism in politics. Although Abdo had far more opponents than like-minded people, a small but dynamic, dedicated and promising group of followers and students rallied around him. His influence was felt by almost all the major representatives of religious and socio-political thought in Egypt.

As historical experience has shown, the teaching of Abdo, despite its internal inconsistency, turned out to be the most fruitful, relevant and popular doctrine for the subsequent development of the intellectual life of Egypt. Under the influence of Abdo's Islamic-renovationist ideas, two main trends of social thought in twentieth-century Egypt were formed in the following decades: the religious, modernist-reformist trend (Rashid Rida, Mustafa Abd ar-Raziq, Ali Abd ar-Raziq, the Muslim Brotherhood Association, etc.) and the secular, liberal trend. Abdo emerged as the forerunner of secular Egyptian nationalism. While remaining true to Ustaz's original principles and principles, his followers set out to develop a secular liberal nationalism in which Islam is revered, but not a fundamental factor in politics and law. Egyptian nationalism, unlike, for example, Turkish nationalism, did not oppose the interests of the country and religion, nationalism and religion, or rather, the contradictions between them did not take an antagonistic factor. Abdo's students, who supported the imam's religious renewal ideas in politics, were sometimes referred to in Cairo as "Hizb al-Imam" ("The Imam's Party"),

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They formed the liberal Hizb al-Umma ("Party of the People") in 1907. It was on the basis of this party that the Al-Wafd al-Mysri ("Egyptian Delegation") was founded in 1918, leading the uprisings of 1919 and 1921 in Egypt. Since that time, the liberal movement has become the main force of the national liberation movement, whose leaders and ideologues were followers and admirers of Abdo (Saad Zaghlul, Qasim Amin, Ahmed Lutfi al-Sayyid, Farid Waji, etc.).

list of literature

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Dolinina, A. A., essays on the history of Arabic literature of the new time. Egypt and Syria. Journalism. 1870-1914. Moscow, 1968.

Kirillina S. A. Islam in the public life of Egypt (the second half of the XIX-beginning of the XX century). M " 1989.

Kirpichenko V. N., Safronov V. V. Istoriya egiptskoi literatury XIX-XX vekov [History of Egyptian literature of the XIX-XX centuries]. Moscow, 2002.

Levin Z. I. Razvitie osnovnykh treneniy sotsial'no-politicheskoy mysli v Syrie i Egipte [Development of the main trends of socio-political thought in Syria and Egypt].
Malyukovsky M. V. Nachal'nyi etap moslemskoi reformatsii v Egipte [The initial stage of the Muslim Reformation in Egypt]. Uchenye zapiski Instituta vostokovedeniya [Scientific Notes of the Institute of Oriental Studies], vol. XVII, Moscow, 1959.

Masset A. Islam. Ocherki istorii [Essays on History], Moscow, 1961.
Rothstein F. A. Capture and enslavement of Egypt. 2nd ed. Moscow, 1959.

Khakimov I. M. Anti-colonialism of Jamal ad-Din Al-Afghani on the pages of " Al-Urwa al-wuska "(1884). History. Economics, Moscow, 1970.
Sharipova R. M. Sovremennaya istoriografiya UAR o roli universiteta Al-Azhar v periodom bourgeois reformatsii islama v Egipte v kontsey XIX - nachale XX vvakh [Modern historiography of the UAR on the role of Al-Azhar University in the period of the bourgeois reformation of Islam in Egypt in the late XIX-early XX centuries].

Ahmed G.M. The Intellectual Origins of Egyptian Nationalism. L.-N.Y.-Toronto, 1960.

Blunt W. Secret History of the English Occupation of Egypt. L., 1907.

Brill's First Encyclopedia of Islam. Vol. VI. Leiden.

Cromer Earl. Modern Egypt. T. I, II. L., 1908.

Hourani Albert. Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age. 1798 - 1939. L.-N.Y.-Toronto, 1962.

King Joan Wucher. Historical Dictionary of Egypt. Metuchen-N.Y.-L., 1984.

Tignor Robert. Modernisation and British Colonial Rule in Egypt. 1882 - 1914. Princeton, 1966.

Safran Nadav. Egypt in Search of Political Community. An analysis of the Intellectual and Political evolution of Egypt. 1804 - 1959. Cambridge, 1961.

Rida Rashid. Tarikh al-ustaz al-imam ash-Sheikh Mohammed Abdo (History of the life of Ustaz-Imam Sheikh Mohammed Abdo). Vol. 1. Cairo, 1931: Vol. 2, Cairo, 1939.

Abdo Mohammed. Risalat at-tawhid (A treatise on monotheism). Cairo, 1346 AD.

Abdo Mohammed. Al-Islam wa al-nasraniyya m'a al-ilm wa al-madaniyya (Islam and Christianity versus science and civilization). 3rd ed. Cairo, 1923.

Al-Misak. Cairo, 1962.

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