The article publishes preliminary data obtained as a result of the joint Russian-Italian archaeological expedition in Northern Sudan, starting in 2009. In the course of exploration, and then excavations in the area of the small village of Abu Erteila, the expedition discovered a Meroite palace and temple complex, which included a large number of residential and outbuildings. A large number of ceramics from the Meroite period were discovered, and fragments of reliefs with hieroglyphic inscriptions, images of the god Hapi and a winged solar disk were found. According to the available data, Abu Erteilah was the site of the local ruler's palace, which included living quarters, kitchens with heating, a reception hall, staff quarters, and outbuildings. The approximate time of the complex's existence - the third century BC - the fifth century AD-was determined by radiocarbon dating.

Keywords: kingdom of Meroe, archaeology of ancient Sudan, Meroe temple centers, Meroe administrative centers, Meroite ceramics, Meroite epigraphy, Egyptian-Meroite syncretism.

Until now, even on geographical maps of Sudan, there was no name for Abu Erteila, where a small Sudanese village lost in the desert is located. However, the characteristic hills (komy) located there, covered with a huge amount of ancient baked bricks and pottery sherds, attracted the attention of archaeologists who visited this place. At the initiative of E. E. Kormysheva, after negotiations with the National Corporation of Antiquities and Museums of the Republic of Sudan, this territory was allocated for a joint Russian-Italian archaeological expedition, in which employees of the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences are taking part on the Russian side, and Sapienza University (Rome) on the Italian side.

Abu Erteila is located in the north-east of the modern province of Shendi (coordinates N16°52 '119", E33°42 ' 397), near the dried-up bed of Wadi al-Hawad, 9 km from the pyramids of the royal necropolis of Meroe.

Systematic excavations in this area began in 2010 after a large-scale geophysical survey undertaken by Russian scientists from the Institute of Terrestrial Magnetism of the Russian Academy of Sciences P. A. Morozov and S. V. Merkulov in 2009.1

RESIDENTIAL BUILDINGS

Excavations at Qom I and Qom II in Abu Erteil fully confirmed the intelligence data and revealed the presence of a large residential complex on both qoms, as well as an ancient temple, some of the details of which were reused or moved.

1 The results of geophysical exploration are published in Fantusati, Kormyshcva, Malykh, 2012 (2), p. 165-208.

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Kom I

Fig. 1. Plan of the excavated area on Koma I (fig. S.E. Malykh, M. A. Lebedeva)

Com I. The area of the excavation site on Koma I currently amounts to about 500 square meters (Figure 1).24 rooms (21 rooms, 2 passageways and one structure of undetermined purpose) have been identified here. The maximum depth of the tunnel is currently 0.4 m from the daytime surface.

Premises on Coma I were identified at 391.21-392.84 m above sea level. In the northern part of the excavation site on Koma 1 (squares 1-12, rooms 1-15, Fig. 1) no entrances were found either to the building itself or to most of the rooms, as the safety of the walls of the structures does not allow us to determine the location of the entrance openings. Currently, none of the structures have been excavated to the foundation, but in rooms 7, 9, 13, 14 and 15, traces of smooth compacted raw mortar are recorded in the lower part, which can be considered as the remains of the floor covering during a later reconstruction of the premises.

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In the eastern part of the structure, a wide entrance to room 16 2 was found, marked from the outside with a special passage, which was built of mud and baked bricks; the northern wall (3.15 m long and 0.65 m wide) and part of the eastern wall (1.20 m long and 0.65 m wide) were preserved from it. The wall of the room was traced from 391.73-391.81 m. Its northern surface was covered with high-quality white plaster, which was also used to protect it from water (Fitzenreiter and Seiler, 1999, p. 155). In room 16, where the passage directly leads, traces of yellow sand were found, which is similar to the main entrance to a residential complex in Hamadab, a satellite city of Meroe [Wolf et al., 2010, P. 232].

Room 16 (Fig. 1, Str. 16) has a rectangular shape (2.70 x 4.60 m). To the south, it was bounded by a partially preserved wall of baked brick. The western wall was made entirely of mud brick. Room 16 probably served as a place for official receptions.

The building on Koma I consisted of residential, administrative and utility rooms. The latter include kitchens that remained in the area of the main rooms. Other, smaller rooms, the purpose of which is still unclear, were concentrated in the southern part of the structure. The premises of the main building, which occupies the northern part of Koma I, are built according to a symmetrical architectural scheme and have analogues in other well-known complexes of the Meroitic period. Thus, the division of the building into northern and southern parts was the main feature of the residential complex in Hamadab [Wolf et al., 2010, p. 232].

In the southern part of Koma I, rooms were found adjacent to the main structure from the southeast (in squares 15, 16, 19, 20, Fig. 1), which most likely were extensions to the main building.

A distinctive feature of the complex are rooms 1 and 2 (Fig. 1, Str. 1, 2), which were built according to a symmetrical architectural scheme. These are kitchens with dimensions of 3.20 x 4.36 m and 2.12 x 4.32 m, where an accumulation of charcoal and ash was found near the southern walls 3. Both rooms in the eastern part are connected by a passage, which allows them to be attributed to the same complex of utility and heating rooms of the building. The well-preserved walls of room 2 were constructed by the method of longitudinal-transverse masonry and were preserved to the height of three rows of bricks.

The identified three layers of filling rooms contained a significant amount of coals, ash and burnt calcified animal bones-the remains of cooking meat. A similar pair of rooms-kitchens is noted in the" Small Structure " in Musawwarat es-Sufra and in the Hamadab settlement (Fitzenreiter and Seiler, 1999, p. 42; Wolf et al., 2010, p. 233).

Along the eastern wall of room 1 and at the corners of room 2, eight clusters of ceramics were found, represented by the lower parts of 14 large cylindrical round-bottomed jugs of the same type (the only exception is a vessel on a ring pallet). Most of the vessels were inserted one into the other, forming 8 ceramic groups; the upper ones were filled with coals and ash4. Probably, cauldrons and bowls were placed on the coals for cooking or heating food (this method of cooking still exists today in the villages of northern Sudan for cooking ful-bean soup). The fact that a new one was placed on top of the cracked vessel with coals (while the remains of the previous one were not removed) indicates the long-term functioning of these rooms as kitchens. A similar long-term installation of cylindrical vessel stoves in one place and their replacement in case of breakage is also recorded in Hamadab kitchens [Wolf et al., 2010, Pp. 233-234, Abb. 20].

2 The location of the main entrance from the north-eastern part of the house is a characteristic feature of the building in Hamadab, a satellite city of Meroe located at the mouth of Wadi al-Hawad [Wolf et al., 2010, P. 232].

3 For more information, see Fantusati and Kormyshcva, 2010, p. 271-277.

4 For more information, see Kormyshsva, Malykh, and Fantusati, 2012, pp. 379-383, fig. 5; Fantusati, Kormyshcva, Malykh, 2012 (1), p. 37-39, pl. 13-15].

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A sample of coal for radiocarbon analysis was taken from the filling of the upper furnace vessel, which was part of the ceramic group No. 8 of room 2. Its results gave the dating of the final stage of the kitchens ' existence - in the range from 80 to 220 AD5. This chronological period corresponds to the dating of cylindrical vessels-furnaces to the late Meroitic period based on a comparative analysis with similar types of ceramics from other monuments of the "Meroe Island" [Lenoble, 1987(2), p. 91, pl. III; Wolf et al., 2010, S. 240, Abb. 26].

In addition to vessels-stoves, a significant amount of ceramics was found in the filling of rooms 1 and 2, represented by ordinary kitchen utensils (stucco and circular boilers and bowls) with traces of soot on the walls. This material confirms the purpose of these rooms as places of cooking.

Rooms 3 and 4, which are adjacent to kitchens 1 and 2 on the west, stand out for their small size compared to other rooms (Fig. 1, Str. 3, 4). The same is true for room 11, which is adjacent to room 4 to the south. In its south-eastern corner, a 0.75 x 1.00 m plot is lined with bricks, presumably this is a hearth. In the western part of room 11, a blockage of mud bricks has been cleared, which may indicate an attempt to divide the large room into two compartments. Given the revealed purpose of rooms 1 and 2 as kitchens, it can be assumed that the neighboring small rooms could be storage facilities for food and kitchen accessories.

Rooms 9, 10, 12, 14, 16 and 20 are dominated by rough ceramic kitchen utensils, which have traces of long-term use for cooking beggars (heavy soot and carbon deposits on the walls). At the same time, there are also ritual objects in these rooms, for example, a bowl from room 12 (Fig. 2), decorated with "aux" symbols with heavy soot inside. This suggests that it was a lamp or incense burner. Moreover, in the filling of rooms 3, 7 and 11, the number of ordinary kitchen utensils is small, on the contrary, in these rooms there are well-made vessels, some of them with soot and carbon deposits inside. The ceramic material from rooms 7 and 11 contains a high percentage of fine kaolin ceramics of the "Egg-shell Ware" type 6. Fragments of bowls painted with red or brown stripes or covered with a stamp ornament were found (Fig. 3).

Room 5 (size 3.28 x 3.68 m) stands out from the premises of the extreme northern row in the building on Koma I, where traces of high-quality white plaster are clearly visible on the inner western wall. The considerable thickness of the walls indicates that they withstood a lot of roof pressure. Such rather large rooms could have a rather flat roof, while small rooms could be covered by arches 7, known in the Meroitic architecture of residential complexes 8.

Similar traces of plaster can be traced to the Meroite settlement in Hamadab: the interior walls of residential buildings may have been covered with red, yellow, and white plaster (Wolf et al., 2010, p. 29). Covering with white plaster and painting in yellow, red and blue colors is also recorded on some architectural details on Coma II (see below).

Fragments of wall plaster can also be found in other rooms of the Koma I complex (on the north and east walls of room 22, on the east wall of the passage between rooms 20 and 22), but in room 5 it is of better quality and larger

5 Analysis of C14 was carried out at the Sapicnza University in Rome by Professor Gilberto Caldsroni (Dipartimento di Scicnzc dclla terra-Univcrsita "La Sapicnza" di Roma), who dated the samples to 1875±35 BP, i.e. 80-220 AD (80-140 AD - 40.9%, 150-180 AD).AD - 14.6%, 190-220 AD-12.7%).

6 A term applied to a special type of high-quality thin-walled ceramic made from light-weight kaolin clay.

7 Oral report of the architect S. V. Vstokhov.

8 See, for example: [Jacquet, 1971, p. 122, fig. 29; Woolley, 1911, p. 11-13].

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Fig. 2. Lamps / incense burners from rooms 3, 5, 12 and 13 on Coma 1 (fig. S.E. Malykh)

This is what makes this room stand out from a number of others. Due to the lack of sufficient material, it is impossible to determine the exact purpose of room 5, but its importance in comparison with other rooms is obvious.

The ceramic material present in room 5 differs from that found in most other rooms. A high stand was found broken into two parts, and fragments of four more were scattered throughout room 9. Similar stands were found in Musavwarat es-Sufra-both in the Lion Temple and in the"Big Structure". They were classified as "sacrificial stands", on which plates-trays with gifts were placed [Fitzenreiter, Seiler, 1999, S. 93-94, Abb. 63]. Also in room 5 were found fragments of two bowls with heavy soot inside, which were used as lamps or incense burners (Fig. 2).

In the northern part of room 5, there were fragments of large cylindrical round-bottomed jars with signs (Fig. 4). On one of them, a sign in the form of three inclined lines with serifs at the ends was drawn before firing. Similar signs on fragments of cylindrical jars are found in other rooms of Coma I (for example, in room 6), and on Coma II. These stamps can mark either the products of a local pottery workshop, or a batch of pottery ordered by a resident of buildings in Abu Erteil.

9 For more information, see Kormyshcva, Malykh, and Fantusati, 2012, p. 384, puc. 6; Fantusati, Kormyshcva, and Malykh, 2012(2), p. 175, figs. 37-38.

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Fig. 3. Egg-shell Ware bowls from rooms 3, 7 and 11 on Koma I (fig. S.e. Malykh)

In the second case, the mark on the vessel from room 5 was applied with white pigment after firing (Fig. 4). Apparently, it can be considered as a solar symbol O, placed on a stylized altar. Similar signs on the vessels date back to the first-11th centuries AD and are related to the religious or royal spheres [Török, 1972, p. 37, figs. 2.11, 2.12].

In the building on Koma 1, rooms 7 (dimensions 2.40 x 3.20 m) and 14 (dimensions 2.56 x 6.64 m) are allocated, which have two passages each (Figure 1). In room 7, they are located in the eastern and southern walls and have a width of 1.04 and 1.30 m, respectively. In the south-eastern corner of the room, apparently, there was a hearth: at the level of 391.83 m, a spot of ash with coals with an area of 60 x 40 cm was recorded. In room 14, the passageways were located on the north and south walls, their widths were 1.02 and 0.84 m, respectively.

Rooms 11 and 12 (Fig. 1, Str. 11, 12), separated by a blockage of mud bricks, may have originally formed one large living room, later burned out-

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Fig. 4. Cylindrical jars with pottery marks found on Coma I and Coma II (fig. S.E. Malykh)

solved 10. It is similar in size (1.88 x 6.48 m) to room 14 (2.56 x 6.64 m), in the western part of which a place for a fireplace built from a combination of mud and baked bricks was found. In the south-eastern part of room 11, a hearth filled with a layer of ash and coals is also recorded. Thus, the room was residential. Passage 8, which stretches along the east-west line and in the southern part had a branch in the form of passage 13, leads to room 6 and is bounded from the east by the western wall

10 The reduction in the size of rooms in Hamadabs (stretching and narrowing) was characteristic of the last phase of its use [Wolf et al., 2010, pp. 228-229].

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rooms 4 (fig. 1). Judging by the available material, its southern part made it possible to get to room 7, which in turn has a passage to room 15 through passage 13. Accordingly, room 15 had two entrance openings.

Rooms 9 and 10 are roughly the same size (4.46 x 2.37 m and 4.40 x 2.20 m, respectively). Perhaps these were the main apartments of the owner of this complex.

Room 13 is long and oblong in shape, and may have been a corridor connected to the north by a passage (room 8). Room 15 (4.20 x 2.20 m) was examined to a level of 391.75-391.77 m, on which a layer of dense consistency was recorded - probably the floor level. This is confirmed by the remains of a hearth (0.70 x 1.50 m) in the south-eastern part of the room, which was filled with a 7 cm thick layer of ash and ended at floor level. This may be the latest construction of this complex.

In room 17 (2.40 x 2.72 m), located to the south of room 16, a brick paving was identified at 392.10 m, preserved on an area of 0.80 x 0.70 m. In the south-east corner of room 17, there is a cluster of bricks on a plot of 1.00 x 0.60 m, possibly representing the collapse of the hearth.

Groups of rooms 18-19 and 23-24 show a similar layout and are a combination of a small room, which leads to a larger room (room 18 with an area of 1.92 x 2.40 m, room 19 with a length of at least 6.80 m, width 2.32 m; room 23 with an area of 1.76 x 2.28 m, room 24-3.68 x 2.12 m).

Room 23 was paved with sandstone tiles at 392.38-392.44 m. Fragments of burnt bricks with traces of semicircles made by fingers on raw dough were found in the filling of room 24. These bricks with semicircles were used to create arched ceilings 11.

Rooms 18 and 23 could play the role of some storage rooms (equally for household or sacred utensils), and rooms 19 and 24 provided access to them. Such premises were usually separated from the dwellings (Fitzenreiter and Seiler, 1999, p. 51). Therefore, rooms 20 and 22, surrounded by rooms 18, 19, 23 and 24, were hardly residential, rather performing economic functions.

In general, identifying the purpose of individual premises presents considerable difficulties. So, for example, in the filling of rooms 5, 9, 11, 12, 14 and 16, remote from kitchens with stoves, a significant number of whole and broken terochny stones from quartzite and dense sandstone, less often basalt and pink granite, were recorded. Oval-shaped flat grinding stones were used for grinding products such as grain and for grinding mineral paints. For example, in square 10, in the upper layer (392.25-392.65 m), a fragment of basalt grinding stone with traces of red ochre grinding was found, and in room 9, along with the grinding stones themselves, a molded pigment was found - a rectangular piece of red ochre. Similar terochny sandstone stones were discovered in Musavwarat es-Sufra during the excavations of the Lion Temple (Buschendorf-Otto, 1993, S. 279-280, Abb. 212-214). Accordingly, they were used for both domestic and religious purposes. Therefore, it is not surprising that large quantities of terochny stones were found in room 5. It had rather a religious or administrative purpose.

The walls were being repaired. For example, on the south wall of room 3, the use of burnt bricks of various sizes is noted, which were reused to restore the wall. The reason for such repairs could be large fires, both in separate rooms and covering most of the building. The presence of burnt layers with a thickness of 3 to 7 cm, consisting of a large amount of charcoal, ash and ash, indicate that the building was at least twice affected by a major fire, and local fires were in rooms 14 and 16.

11 For more information, see [Spencer, 1979, p. 141 142]. Similar bricks were found in the Temple of Amun in Msroe (Grzymski, 2003, p. 22. AT 45. pi. IX).

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Some facts indicate the reconstruction and reconstruction of some premises in the building on Koma I. In the southern part of the western wall of room 9 (level 392.52-392.70 m), built of mud brick, there was originally a passage 1.02 m wide, which was later laid. This indicates a later reconstruction (or extension) of another room. In the process of reconstruction, there was a reduction in the size of the premises due to the blocking of large rooms. This phenomenon is also typical for other Meroitic settlements of the late Meroitic period (Wolf et al., 2010, p. 229).

The small size of the premises in comparison with the northern part of Koma I indicates the possibility of reconstruction or construction of a new residential complex in the southern part of Koma I. In addition, in the upper filling layer of room 20 (at the level of 392.76-392.82 m), an oval object was found (Fig. 1, Str. 21), shaped like a cattle drinker measuring 1.03 x 1.69 m. In the neighborhood, on the same level with it, there is an ash spot with the remains of a burnt log - apparently, traces of a burnt shed or tether for livestock.

Three pits in rooms 23, 24 and 25 may be evidence of late reconstruction of the structures on Koma I. Inside, they are covered with clay and have the remains of red bricks with a narrow gutter around the circumference (level 392.30-392.82 m). There are no analogues to these structures. It can be assumed that these holes were arranged directly in the walls that once separated these rooms. It is possible that floor supports were once inserted into them.

The walls of the structure on Koma I were made of parallel rows of bricks. Inside, the walls are filled with clay mixed with organic particles and ceramic shards. Such masonry is attested in many ancient settlements of Meroe. The size of the bricks found is 30 x 17 x 7 cm. Even if the bricks themselves are lost, their prints on the mortar fully correspond to this size. The orientation of the brickwork is north-east-south-west. The shape and method of masonry, the material and dimensions of the bricks are almost identical to those preserved in the capital of the kingdom of Meroe and in the religious center of Aulib 12.

The buildings on Koma I were constructed of red baked and gray-brown mud bricks, alternating in longitudinal and transverse masonry, i.e. different materials were used to build the same structure (Bradley, 1984, p. 197-200). This combined use of raw and baked bricks is similar to the modern construction technology called gishra. It was widely used in the Meroite region, especially in monumental architecture. 13 This method was typical of the structures of the Meroite kingdom in general, and baked bricks as a building material were known in central Sudan from the Meroite period (Fitzenreiter and Seiler, 1999, pp. 154-155).

Summing up the data obtained, it can be argued that the complex excavated on Koma I consisted of two parts - the northern and southern. In the northern part there were administrative and residential premises, provided with kitchens and stoves. The southern part of the complex could be reserved for rooms for individual families serving the main building, as well as for outbuildings.

Given the orientation of the building (or part of it) and the presence of a special passage to the building at room 16, looking at Kom II, it can be assumed that the buildings on Kom I and Kom II belonged to one large residential and religious complex. The relationship between these structures, such as the "Large and Small Structures" in Musawwarat es-Sufra (Fitzenreiter and Seiler, 1999, p.7), remains to be clarified.

12 Personal observations of the authors.

13 Examples include the temples of Amun and Isis in Meroe (Garstang, Sayce, and Griffith, 1911, p. 12, 18) and the Wad Ban Naga Palace (Vercoutter, 1962, p. 263-299). About this construction technique, see also: [Török, 1997, p. 118,208,210].

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Com II. The total area of the excavated area on Koma II is 85 sq. m, the level of excavation from the day surface is 0.21-0.22 m. The material used for the construction of buildings, as on Koma I, was a combination of red baked and gray-brown mud bricks, as well as newly used stone details of the temple.

In the excavated area, a rectangular structure (7.48 x 4.92 m) was found, elongated with a slight deviation along the north—south line, in which two rooms have been cleared so far-south room 1 and north room 2 (Fig. 5). The structure has passed at least three construction stages.

At the first stage, the building consisted of a rectangular room, the walls of which were made of baked and mud bricks and covered with high-quality white plaster. At the second stage, it was divided into two rooms (1 and 2) by a partition made of mud bricks and stone parts of an older temple. Some of them have relief decor, and in one case - traces of painting with yellow, red and blue paint on a plastered sandstone block. At the same time, the western wall of the building was renovated and the northern wall was completed. Fragments of sandstone blocks were used, some of which are decorated with decor.

At the final stage, a wall of 0.80 x 2.00 m was built on top of the existing structure in the north-south direction, intersecting the southern and western walls of the original structure at right angles. The method of its masonry differs from Meroitic technologies, which makes it possible to regard this wall as the latest construction in the excavated part of Koma II.

The most studied stage at the moment is the second stage of the building's existence on Koma II. At this time, as already mentioned, the structure consisted of two rooms. In the south-western corner of rectangular room 1 (3.80 x 1.90 m), a floor area of 1.20 x 0.40 m was cleared - a layer of dense consistency, similar in composition to raw bricks. In the north wall, a passage was made to room 2 (3.80 x 4.00 m). On the inside, the walls were covered with white plaster. The lower plaster mark-391.47 m-marks the floor level of the structure.

Fragments of stone columns and an architrave decorated with the image of a winged solar disk were found on the excavated site (see below). Most likely, they were used again during the redevelopment and repair of the building on Coma II. Initially, all these details, carved out of sandstone, belonged to a religious building, which was probably the oldest structure on this site.

In the eastern part of room 1 and in the north-western corner of room 2 (Fig. 5), the lower parts of four large cylindrical round-bottomed jars were found buried in the ground (Fig. 6), analogs of Late Meroitic vessels-stoves found in rooms-kitchens 1 and 2 on Coma I. They were also partially filled with remnants of ash and charcoal and were blackened inside. In the group of vessels-furnaces in room 2, there was a gul of a spherical jug of the late Meroitic period 14 with two signs painted in yellowish-white paint on the outside of the hangers (Fig. 6). The inner surface of the jug has traces of soot, which indicates that it, like cylindrical vessels, was reused as a furnace. At the same time, the crown and upper part of the shoulders were neatly knocked down. One of the signs is the stylized ancient Egyptian symbol of life "ankh". Its paleography is typical of both the classical and late Meroitic periods.15 The second sign, applied on the opposite side of the vessel, has been preserved fragmentary and is not identifiable.

Rooms 1 and 2 on Coma II can be identified as kitchens, which are similar in design and architecture to those on Coma I. The filling of these rooms on Coma II contained an admixture of coals and ash. Based on the shape of the vessels, we use-

14 For an analog of the vessel shape, see [Lcnoblc, 1987(2), p. 91, pl. VII.6, 16 ; Wolf et al., 2010, S. 240, Abb. 26].

15 See, for example, similar signs on bowls: [Edwards, 1999, p. 31 (ZN 915), pl. XII (915); Robertson and Hill, 2004, p. 130, pl. IXb (nos. 3, 4)].

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Com II

5. Plan of the excavated area on Koma II (fig. S.E. Malykh, M. A. Lebedeva)

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Figure 6. Spherical jug (reconstruction) and cylindrical jugs, reused as furnaces, found in the northwest corner of Room 2 on Coma II (Fig.

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Based on radiocarbon dating data from the most recent vessel stoves on Koma I, it is possible to date the time of the final stage of functioning of kitchens in the building on Koma II to the end of the first and beginning of the third centuries AD.

During the study of Coma II, two burnt bricks with semicircular grooves were found, similar to those found on Coma I. Such bricks were usually intended for the construction of arched arches (see above), therefore, we can assume the presence of arched structures on the territory of Koma II.

REMAINS OF THE TEMPLE COMPLEX

Three fragments of sandstone columns are of the greatest interest among the items found on Coms 1 and II that belonged to the temple complex. One of them has hieroglyphic inscriptions and decor, the other-the image of the god Hapi. The third is a fragment of a column with a base. In addition, small fragments of columns with traces of hieroglyphs, plant and geometric decoration were found. Some of them were reused for the construction of a later building on Koma II. Fragments of undecorated sandstone details were also found here: semicircular fragments of columns; corner details, similar in shape to those used to complete the corner part of the external walls of temples.

Column fragment with a hieroglyphic inscription

A fragment of a sandstone column (diameter 47.5-48 cm, height 11.5 cm) was found in the southern sector of the excavation on Koma II at a level of 391.49-392.01 m. Three columns with hieroglyphic inscriptions are preserved on the surface of the column (Fig. 7):

Translation: "he made this monument..."

"may the good god live, the lord of victory, the king of Both Lands..."

"he gives it life and a magnificent appearance..."

The dedication of the monument to God ("he made this monument") of the first column of the inscription is already found twice on the obelisk of King Piankha of Kadakol in a rather archaic spelling (the form that is characteristic of Egyptian texts, and with the preposition m before the word mnw 16, which is absent in our text. The dedicatory inscription of King Arnekamani of Musavwarat es-Sufra contains the same formula: "He made this monument for you", but the word "this" is written differently - ipn [Hintze, 1962, S. 23 (6), Block Nr. 351, 365, 366, Abb. 4, 5, Taf. XII; Hintze, 1993, S. 85, Abb. 36].

The formula"may the good god live" 17, which begins the second column of the inscription, is found in Kushite epigraphy on the ram statue of King Taharqa from the Kava temple [Macadam, 1949, p. 88, Inscr. XXXVII (0337); p. 89, Inscr.XL (0463); Kormysheva, 2006, p. 106-109, Cat. 87, 88] and on the sphinx of King Aspelta of Defeia (Vercoutter, 1961, p. 97-104; Kormysheva, 2006, p. 228-229, Cat. 229). The graphic representation of the word in the phrase "lord of victory"18 appears in Egypt in the Ptolemaic period [Wb V, S. 41: 5, 6]. Moreover, with the same graphics, this word is used after the word "ruler" in the inscription of King Arnekamani in the Musavwarat es-Sufra temple [Hintze, 1962, S. 23 (6), Block Nr. 351, 365, 366, Abb 4, 5, Taf. XII; Hintze, 1993, S. 85, Abb. 36]. In the word in the third column, the character after the sign itself is damaged. In all likelihood, there was a sign nw, which in the texts of the Greco-Roman time was used

16 "He made his memorial for his father" [Kormysheva, 2006, p. 36-38].

17 This epithet was often used in Ramesside monuments, see, for example: [Grimai, 1986, p. 169-172].

18 When translating the inscription, these signs are attributed to the word "ruler", but, in our opinion, this word means an adjective - "victorious", as in our text, where it is a definition of pI.

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as the equivalent of l 19. The exact analog of the graphs in other Russian-language inscriptions from Kush is not recorded.

The spelling of the phrase "king of Both Lands" in such a schedule is typical of Ptolemaic time 20 and is noted in texts from temples in Edfu, Dendera, Philae, and Ombos [Wb II, S. 331:15; Wb, Die Belegstellen II, S. 484:15]. This designation is also preserved in the titles of Meroite kings, including those who wrote their names in Meroite hieroglyphs, for example, Amanikhabale of Baza (Griffith, 1912, p. 70). This title is also retained by King Natakamani of Wad Ban Nag in one of the last known inscriptions in Egyptian hieroglyphs. His throne name mentioned in the coronation inscription addressed to Isis (Griffith, 1911, p. 67, 68; REM 0140) is preceded by the same title as in the inscription on the column from Abu Erteila - "king of Upper and Lower Egypt, lord of Both Lands". In the Lion Temple in Naga, the names of the ruling family (in one case Natakamani and Arikanharora, in the other Amanitor and Arikanharora) are preceded by both versions of the titles and (Zibelius, 1983, p. 32, 33, fig. 16, pl.10; REM 0017, 20). The title was given to King Shorkaror in Jebel Geili, where his names are already written in Meroitic hieroglyphs (Griffith, 1911, p. 53; REM 0002). The phrase as the title of the king is found in the inscriptions of the pyramids in Meroe (Bedjraviya) Beg. # 17 and Beg. No. 19, in Amanitenmomide [Griffith, 1911, p. 85, pl. XXXIV; REM 0062, 0066, 0067], whose proper name is written in Meroitic hieroglyphs, and in Amanihatashan [Griffith, 1911, p. 85, Rug. A 39].

These examples show the stability of the royal title borrowed from Egypt, even when the inscriptions themselves are already written in Meroitic.-

19 See, for example: [Junkcr, 1906, p. 35, 42-43, 48, 65, 67].

20 The use of the sign for nswt bjt is recorded in the number of hieroglyphic signs of the Romano-Roman time: [Valeursphonetiques, 1988, p. 379 (491). Kurth, 2010, p. 113 (53)].

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mi writings. The only exception is the inscription of Natakamani and Amanitore from WadBan-Hara. The lower chronological limit of the use of this phrase with the help of the same Egyptian hieroglyphs can be determined by the time not earlier than the reign of Ptolemy III Euergetes I (247-221 BC), when the replacement with is first recorded in the throne name . These years correspond to the reign of Meroe Arnekamani (Beg. No. 53). The probability of this earlier date is indirectly confirmed by the remaining characters on the column fragment (see below), marking a "transition stage" with the use of two spellings. Both spellings are attested in the Arkamani Chapel in Dhaka and the Adikalamani Chapel in Debod [Roeder, 1911, p. 48^19, 56-66, 71-77, 81-85; Roeder, 1930, S. 205, 212-227, 245-274]. Accordingly, it can be assumed that the original monument in Abu Erteilah may have been built by one of these kings. This, in turn, allows us to place the earliest date of his reign in the interval from the third to the second centuries BC.

On the other side of the same column fragment, there are three vertical lines of hieroglyphs with the same phrases (Figure 7): "he gives...", " the good god lives...", " he did..". In this case, we are dealing with a similar inscription, only the columns themselves and the hieroglyphs are much smaller.

Above the hieroglyphs, three identical figures that have no analogues among the Meroitic images are located symmetrically on the entire surface free from the inscription, at the same distance from each other. It seems that they, like the outlines of saints on other monuments, were carved later, remaining a symbol only for initiates. Blurred contours that resemble a cross that has lost its shape due to the destruction of soft sandstone can also be contemporary to this decor. Taking into account the probability of the presence of a population in Abu Erteilah during the Christian period21, we can hypothesize that there is a kind of Christian "symbolism" on a certain "pagan" monument, which by that time had lost its former significance. The latter is evidenced by the very fact of the looting of the temple and the secondary use of its parts. The image on one of the pyramids of Bejraviya 22 could serve as an argument in favor of this hypothesis.

During excavations on Koma II, a small fragment of a column with the remains of a hieroglyphic inscription was discovered. The preserved columns of hieroglyphs allow us to see the royal title nswt bit, possibly part of the word and the word it, which together can be presumably attributed to the dedicatory inscription on behalf of the king who built a temple to his father... (the name of god should have followed).

If we assume that this fragment belongs to the same column as the previous inscriptions, it should be part of the second inscription, which, accordingly, can be reconstructed as follows (from right to left):

"He made [his memorial for] his father...

May the good God [ ... ] live, the King of Upper and Lower Egypt...

He (God) gives him (the king) [...ko]rhones"

These inscriptions leave no doubt about the existence of a temple in Abu Erteil. It seems that the temple may have been built by order of the Meroite king in the third century BC, which is currently considered the earliest date for Abu Erteila.

Fragment of a column with the image of the god Hapi

On the fragment of a sandstone column (diameter 47.5 cm, height about 40 cm) found on Koma II, which was found near the eastern wall of room 1 on

21 For more information, see Fantusati, Kormysheva, Malykh, 2012, p. 51, 53.

22 We would like to thank M. A. Lebedev, Ph. D., Associate Professor of the Institute of Information Technology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, for this material.

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Figure 8. Figure of Hapi on a fragment of a column (figure by M. A. Lebedev)

at the level of 392.10 m, the head and upper torso of the Nile god Hapi are depicted with a typical headdress of flowers and lotus buds rising from a small pool mounted on his head (Figure 8). Hapi's hands, in which he holds vases for libations, are pressed to his chest,water jets are shown over his shoulders, which flow out of the vessels. This position is one of the well-known variants of the iconography of the god Hapi in a number of temples in the Nile Valley - in Egypt and Meroe (Kormysheva, 1995, pp. 115-142).

Images of Hapi figures between garlands of flowers are known in the temples of Dhaka [Roeder, 1930, S. 320, 325, § 706-709, Taf. 121a, b] and Kalabsha [Gauthier, 1927, vol. 2, pp. 13-15, pl. III, XI A, B, XVI C, XII-XS]. However, there they have a different pose - the gods of the Nile hold trays with gifts and march in a procession of other gods. Figures of the Nile god with vases of Hes clutched to his chest are found on pillars in the temple of Amun and Temple F in Naga, but they are not surrounded by garlands of flowers. In the temple of Amun in Naga, Hapi is shown in a procession of other Hapi figures or, as on a column, as two figures looking at each other and making libations [Griffith, 1911, pl. XXI, XXIII], the position of the hands of Hapi is identical to the image on the fragment of the column from Abu Erteila. Similar images of the god Hapi are also found in the Amara temple during the reigns of Natakamani and Amanitor (Griffith, 1912, pl. VI), with the only difference being that in Amara, two figures of Hapi are shown on each pictorial field, following each other. 23
Images of Hapi on the plinth of columns or reliefs on the walls of temples emphasized the main earthly function of the king - ensuring the river flooding granted by Hapi. Such figures were always placed in the base part of the composition as a reflection of earthly activity, as opposed to the upper part, symbolizing the sky.24
23 For compositions on the pillars of temples in Naga and Musawwarat es-Sufra, see [Wenig, 1977, S. 459-475, Abb. 6 111].

24 For images of Hapi in Nubian temples, see [Kormysheva, 1995, pp. 118-19, Abb. 3, 4].

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Fragments of other architectural details

Two sandstone fragments of the architrave were found on the territory of Koma II. One of them is 45 cm long, 13 cm high and 22.5 cm thick and is decorated with a winged solar disk flanked by cobras. In terms of composition and decoration, it is identical to the middle part of the design of the Birth House of the goddess Hathor in Naga (Kroeper et al., 2011, p. 117). In the northern part of Koma II, another fragment with a similar decoration was found, measuring 21x13 cm.

In the northern part of Koma 1, a fragment of an oblong sandstone block (size 72x26.5x20.5 cm) covered with white plaster was found in an inverted position, with a characteristic image of the solar disk covered with uraea 25. The pylon portal of the Lion Temple in Musawwarat es-Sufra has a similar style of decoration [Hintze, 1971, Taf. 15, 19. 100; Hintze, 1993, Plan 5-7], details of this type are known in the temple of Amun in Naga (Baud, 2010, p. 223).

The context of the find indicates a secondary use of this important architectural detail. Its decor was typical for different types of structures, in particular, gate ceilings and altars. According to the preserved form, it can be assumed that the fragment could have been part of the temple gate structure.

These findings indicate the presence of a temple complex in the study area, which most likely was located in the lower layers of the monument. It is currently not possible to determine its original location. It is also difficult to determine the deity worshipped in the temple. However, it should be borne in mind that two settlements (Abu Erteila and Aulib) used the same water storage facility - hafir, which, according to local residents, is still used today [Bashiyor, 2013, pp. 69-70]. P. Lenoble rightly emphasized that hafir was controlled by temples that have not yet been identified [Lenoble, 1987(1), p. 213]. If this information is correct, then we can assume that the Abu Erteila temple complex could be connected from a religious point of view with the temple of Amun in Aulib.

BURIALS IN ABU ERTEILAH

Eight human burials were found in the upper layers of Comas I and II. All of them were committed after the residential and administrative buildings here were abandoned. This is evidenced by the fact that some of the grave pits partially penetrated the walls of the building on Koma I, respectively, during the construction of the graves, the remains of the walls were already covered with soil and are not visible on the surface.

On Koma I, six intrusive burials were discovered, arranged in simple grave pits and without burial equipment. Five of them are concentrated in the area of rooms 11, 12 and 14, and one (burial 1) is located to the side-about 5 m to the north-west of this group, in passage 8 (Fig. 1).

Three burials (1, 2 and b)26 demonstrate the unity of the funeral rite: the body is stretched on its back along the east-west axis, with its head facing east. The arms are crossed in the pelvic region (burial 2), or one of the arms is stretched out along the body, and the other lies on the pelvic bones (burial 1). In burials 1 and 2, the deceased were wrapped in a woolen cloth 27. A similar form of funeral rite is recorded in the burial ground in Jebel Gaili, where a similar hand pose is typical for all women's burials [Caneva et al.,

25 The lower horizontal line of the bas-relief is similar to that found in the Temple of Amun (Hofmann and Tomandl, 1986, p. 101) and in the Netsmhor Chapel in Ssdsingh (Welsby and Anderson, 2004, p. 298, Cat.300).

26 Burial 6 has not yet been excavated, as it is located deeper than the layers removed in the 2011 and 2012 seasons. Only the boundaries of the grave pit and its orientation were recorded, and the fact that the body was covered from above with the remains of a straw mat was noted. However, the orientation of the grave pit completely repeats the orientation of burials 1 and 2, which suggests that the inhumation in burial 6 is similar.

27 For more information, see Fantusati, Kormysheva, Malykh, 2012 (1), p. 52.

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1988, p. 209]. The same position of the body is typical for burials in Jabal Maqbor, located in the neighborhood of Abu Erteila [Lenoble, 1987(1), p. 222-227, figs. 5, 6, 7], in the Late Romanoite burials of the IV century AD in El-Kadad [Lenoble, 1987(2), p. 89, 101, pl. 1] and in the area of the fourth cataract of the Nile [Zurawski, 2005, figs. 5, 6].

Burial 4 shows a similar orientation and features of inhumation: the body is stretched on its back approximately along the east-west axis, the head is facing east, but with a shift to the south; the right arm is extended along the body, the left is in the pelvis; the feet are crossed.

Two other burials (3 and 5) on Koma I, located next to burials 2 and 6, show a different orientation of the bodies of the deceased-along the north-south axis with a slight shift to the east. Bodies in the same position: stretched out on the back, head facing south-east, feet crossed, right arm at the side of the body, left slightly bent at the elbow and brought to the right. Traces of cloth indicate that the bodies were wrapped in a shroud.

This tradition dates back to the Napatian period and is also recorded in the presence of a sarcophagus [Bonnet, 1999, p. 5, 12-14, figs. 4-6; Simon and Maureille, 1999, p. 39, fig. 2], at the same time it is well known in Meroitic [Geus, 1999, p. 33, pl. I; Naser, 1999, p. 19-21, 27, fig. 2], post-Meroitic [Bonnet, 1978, figs. 11-12; Bonnet et al., 2006, fig. 5; Dunham, 1963, fig. 34a-b; Geus, 1979, pl. IXb; Geus, 1982, fig. 6; Geus, 1983, pl. XIa; Geus, 1996, fig. 17; Geus, 1999, p. 33, pl. 1; Lenoble, 1987(2), pl. I; Naser, 1999, p. 19-21, 27, fig. 2; Vercoutter, 1979, fig. 4; Welsby, 1996, fig. 26; Williams, 1991, fig. 100a; Zurawski, 2004, p. 482, figs. 8, 9] and the early Christian periods [Caneva et al., 1988, p. 209; Ahmed, 2011, p. 299-301].

Another variant of cadaver placement was recorded on Koma II, where two burials without inventory were found. One of them was found just outside the northern wall of the converted room (Figure 5) and presumably belongs to a young woman, the other to a child over the age of 1 year. Skeletons are elongated along the west-east axis, with a slight shift to the north, the head to the west. In this case, the woman's body is placed on the right side, facing south, and the child - on the left side and facing north. The woman's arms are outstretched, her hands are crossed in the pelvic area. Judging by the remnants of cloth on the upper part of the body, it can be concluded that it was wrapped in a shroud. The position of the child's hands and upper legs is not clear, as the burial site was partially destroyed by animals that broke some of the bones.

The location of both skeletons suggests that they were intrusive burials marking the last stage of the complex's existence on Coma II. The orientation of the body with the head to the west is fixed for Christian burials [Geus, 1995, p. 88; Geus, Lecointe, Maureille, 1995, p. 118-121, figs. 15, 19-20, pl. V, IX-X; Zurawski, 1996, p. 126, 134, figs. 4, 9] and is not noted among the burials on Coma I. It can be assumed that both burials on Coma II may be evidence of the latest settlement of this territory.

conclusion

The data obtained allow us to classify the complex of buildings on both sides of Abu Erteila as an important religious center. The nature of the finds suggests that Abu Erteil was the site of a temple and palace of a local ruler, which included living quarters, kitchens, a reception hall, staff quarters, and utility rooms. The presence of a kitchen with a large number of stoves indicates the use of the building on Coma I as a residential complex.

The high quality of construction, layout and size of the structure indicate that it may have belonged to the noble family of a high priest or local leader. The excavated rooms may have been part of a palace or outbuildings of a temple, which is somewhat confirmed by the discovery of high-quality stone fragments.-

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The most common type of ceramic is "Egg-shell Ware", which is usually found in public buildings.

The original location of the temple is currently undisclosed. The available finds of reused parts of the temple allow us to speak not only about the temple, but also about the temple complex, which included a pillared hall, pylons and a Birth House similar to the Birth House of Hathor in Naga. All the fragments were found to have been reused and moved to a considerable distance from each other after destruction. It follows that the remains of the original structure may be located in the lower layers of Coma II.

Due to the geographical position of Abu Erteila on the Wadi al-Hawad waterway, which flows into the Nile in the Hamadab area and connects the Nile Valley and desert areas east of Meroe (where, in addition to Aulib with its temple of Amun, the Lion God temple was located in Baz (southeast of Abu Erteila)), it should undoubtedly be considered as the largest city in the world. was essential. A comparative analysis of archaeological material suggests the discovery of a new administrative and religious center of the Sudan region of Bhutan. This is evidenced by the distinctive features of the structures - stone details with relief decoration, longitudinal and transverse brickwork, a combination of building materials from baked and raw bricks, the discovery of kitchens with vessels characteristic of the area, stands for sacrifices, well-known in the Bhutan region, the shape and decor of ceramics typical of the second half of the Meroitic period, characteristic of the for the specified time. Abu Erteil may also have been a stop for the king, who, as is known from hieroglyphic inscriptions, made seasonal trips to the administrative and religious centers of his country.

The structure identified in the upper layers of the monument dates back to the last period of Meroe's existence (II-IV centuries AD). However, the character of the hieroglyphic inscription in the Egyptian language can be tentatively attributed to the lower chronological boundary of the monument to the III-II centuries BC. Small size of the rooms found in the upper layer, differently oriented intrusive burials on Coma I fragments of late Meroitic and post-Meroitic pottery indicate that the complex ceased to function around the IV-V centuries AD. It is quite possible, however, that this area was also inhabited during the Christian period. This is evidenced by the findings on the daytime surface of individual fragments of characteristic ceramics, the fixed orientation of intrusive burials on Coma II with the head to the west, which is noted for Christian burials, as well as data from archaeological exploration of a structure north of Coma I, presumably belonging to an early Christian basilica.28
When trying to assess the nature and significance of the structures found, it should be borne in mind that the original foundation, as well as the mainland in the excavated area, have not yet been identified. Currently, we can conditionally distinguish two phases of habitat. The lower zone indicates the existence of a temple complex and a palace that could have served as a temporary stop for the king and the dwelling of those who provided for his existence. The upper zone, partially excavated at present, gives intrusive differently oriented burials, reducing the size of rooms and adding walls with mud bricks. The latter (if the real necropolis is not found) may be evidence of the settlement's dependence on the water supply system, which was due to the seasonal nature of filling the wadi and the use of the hafir water storage common to Abu Erteila and Aulib. The existence of additional artificial structures of the water supply system currently needs to be confirmed.

28 For more information, see [Baldi and Varriale, 2011, p. 372-379].

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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

Wb - Worterbuch der agyptischen Sprache. Hrsg. von A. Erman, H. Grapow. Bde. I-V. V., 1955-1957.

Wb. Die Belegstellen - Worterbuch der agyptischen Sprache. Die Belegstellen. Hrsg. von W. Erichsen, H. Grapow. Bde. I-V. V., 1940-1958.

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