For Alexander Ivanovich Herzen (1812-1870), a revolutionary democrat, philosopher, and publicist, England became not just a country of exile but a unique historical and intellectual laboratory where he lived for 12 years (1852-1864) — the most productive period of his life. His attitude toward England was deeply ambivalent: it was both the citadel of the bourgeois world he hated and, at the same time, a refuge that guaranteed him freedom of speech unavailable in continental Europe. England became both a physical and symbolic place from which he broadcast to Russia, creating the phenomenon of the “Free Russian Press.”
After the defeat of the 1848-1849 revolutions in Europe, Herzen, disillusioned and persecuted, found himself in a political dead end. England, with its asylum law and lack of censorship, became his salvation.
Precedent: The British government, despite its conservatism, refused to extradite Herzen to the Russian authorities despite diplomatic pressure. This was in line with the tradition of granting asylum to political émigrés (as previously to the Carbonari or participants in Polish uprisings).
Significance: This security was the foundation of all his subsequent activities. In a letter, he noted: “London is the only place where one can live in our time... here there is freedom to speak, and no one pays attention to it.”
Herzen approached England as an insightful social thinker. His assessments, expressed in letters and essays (later included in “My Past and Thoughts”), were ruthless.
Property fetishism and “philistinism”: He saw in the English, especially the middle class, the triumph of “philistinism” on a global scale. For him, England was a realm of utilitarian calculation, a cult of comfort, and sacred private property, which, in his view, killed high idealism and spiritual impulse.
Hypocrisy and cant: Herzen sharply criticized English cant — a formal, hypocritical morality that masked selfish interests. He was irritated by the combination of outward respectability with social indifference.
Social contrasts: He noted the monstrous gap between wealth and poverty, describing London’s slums as vividly as Engels did in “The Condition of the Working Class in England.” English political freedom, according to Herzen, was a privilege of the propertied classes.
An example of his criticism: Describing Hyde Park as a symbol of English freedom where orators could gather, Herzen immediately added that this freedom was a façade that did not affect the foundations of the social order. He called the English constitution “freedom within unfreedom.”
It was in London that Herzen carried out his main project, impossible anywhere else in the world.
Foundation of the Free Russian Printing House (1853): In conditions of a complete information vacuum between Russia and Europe, Herzen created a channel of direct, uncensored communication. The first publications were the proclamation “St. George’s Day! St. George’s Day!” and the collection “Polar Star” (a revival of the Decembrist Ryleev’s almanac).
“Kolokol” (1857-1867): The most famous publication. This newspaper, initially monthly and then more frequent, became an international sensation. It was secretly smuggled into Russia and read by everyone — from students and officials to Emperor Alexander II and high-ranking dignitaries, who learned about local abuses from it.
The role of England: British laws protected the printing house from closure. The English postal service and developed communication system allowed connections with continental Europe and the clandestine transfer of copies to Russia. London was the ideal hub for such activity.
Interesting fact: The editorial office of “Kolokol” and Herzen’s apartment at 92 (2) Rod Avenue in London’s Paddington district became a place of pilgrimage for Russian and European radicals. Karl Marx, Giuseppe Mazzini, and French socialists visited there. The London home became a prototype of the “headquarters” of Russian revolutionary thought abroad.
Life in England not only gave Herzen tools but also influenced the content of his ideas.
Deepening disappointment with the “Western” path: Observing English bourgeois society, Herzen became fully convinced that the Western path of development with its parliamentarism and capitalism was a dead end for Russia. His famous phrase “On this side and that — rubbish!” referred precisely to the two sides of the English Channel: reactionary, stagnant Russia and the soulless, philistine Europe.
“Russian socialism”: This disappointment pushed him to develop the theory of “Russian socialism,” based not on the proletariat and class struggle (as with Marx), but on the Russian peasant commune (mir). The English experience became an anti-model from which he built a utopian image of a non-capitalist future for Russia.
English empiricism vs. German idealism: Herzen, himself a former Hegelian, appreciated the pragmatism and empiricism of English thought. This strengthened his position of realistic skepticism and rejection of abstract, life-detached doctrines (for which he later criticized Chernyshevsky as well).
Paradoxically, the freedom granted by England turned into a deep personal crisis for Herzen. He felt like a lonely voice in the desert. Old Europe did not understand him, and in Russia his voice, coming from the “land of enemies” (especially after the start of the Crimean War), aroused mixed feelings. His famous article “Vixerunt!” (“They are finished!”) is a cry of despair from a man free to say everything but unable to be heard as he wished.
For Herzen, England was not an object of blind admiration (as for Anglophiles), but a complex, contradictory instrument of historical action. It provided him with three key resources:
Physical security (right of asylum).
Technological and legal opportunity for an unprecedented publishing project.
Concrete social material for the final shaping of his critique of Western capitalism and the theory of “Russian socialism.”
Herzen used London as a launching pad for “Kolokol” — the first regular uncensored Russian media in history, which for a decade became the conscience and tribune for all thinking Russia. His relationship with England is a story of productive use of a foreign environment for strictly national goals. He proved that even while deeply criticizing the host country, one can make it a territory of service to one’s homeland, turning the “citadel of the bourgeoisie” into a fortress of free Russian speech. This is the uniqueness and greatness of his London epic.
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