NEW ASPECTS OF POLITICAL DISCOURSE
O. S. KULKOVA
Candidate of Historical Sciences
Institute of Africa, Russian Academy of Sciences
Keywords: EU, African Union, security, development assistance
The leadership of the European Union (EU) is aware that it is hardly possible to ensure long-term stability in African countries without supporting them in solving pressing problems of socio-economic and human development. The task of ensuring peace and development on the continent is also a priority for the leadership of the African Union (AU) and regional integration associations.
The inclusion of security issues in the context of EU-Africa relations was first clearly outlined in the joint Declaration on the outcome of the 2000 Cairo Summit and the Action Plan for its Implementation, which also referred to the "security - development"relationship. In 2007, the parties signed the Joint African-European Strategy, which became the basis of their cooperation for many years to come, and ensuring peace and security is the most important task enshrined in it. Both the European Union and Africa recognize that peace is a necessary condition for ensuring economic growth and prosperity in African countries.
It is noteworthy that prior to the conclusion of this document, there was no EU - Africa security cooperation as such, only the intervention of individual EU member states (Great Britain, France) in the settlement of conflicts in Africa. In fact, the inclusion of the security dimension in the joint strategy, according to British researcher Toni Haastrup, served as a recognition of African interests on the part of the EU and was aimed at transforming the entire paradigm of the previous EU-Africa relations. 1 The new EU-Africa security partnership, which has emerged since 2007, has already been based on a new concept - the concept of "human security", which brings different meanings to the understanding of peace and stability.
This concept implies the fight against both military and non-military threats, external and internal security challenges. Actors in the security sphere are no longer only States, but also various non - State entities, and the very prospect of participation in solving security problems is changing from short-term intervention to medium-and long-term involvement, including in the form of post-conflict settlement.
The EU makes a significant financial and organizational contribution to the maintenance of peace and security on the African continent. Thus, the EU is the largest donor of development assistance in the world. In 2011, Sub-Saharan Africa accounted for 29% of EU development assistance, amounting to about $ 25.3 billion. euro. In 2013, sub-Saharan Africa received 33% of European development assistance.2 2014-2020 to help the Af-
The research was supported by a grant from the Russian Science Foundation (project 15 - 18 - 30066 "Evolution of approaches of leading subjects of international relations to the problems of interdependence of security and development in the context of transformation of the world political system: analysis and forecast".
It is planned to allocate about 28 billion more to Costa Rica. euro.
Development and security assistance is provided through the European Commission's financial instruments such as The European Development Fund (EDF), the main instrument of EU cooperation with 79 countries in Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific (ACP), including 48 countries in sub - Saharan Africa. On average, about $ 3.7 billion is allocated through it annually. euro.
The EDF has provided significant financial support to the African Peace Facility, totaling more than $ 1.9 billion. EUR 3 and EUR 232 million since the latter was created in 2004. In 2013, 4 the AC (African Union Capacity Building Programme ) allocated 55 million euros for 2006-2013 and 28.8 million euros for 2014-2017.5
Assistance to Africa is also provided through such formats as The Development Cooperation Instrument (DCT), The European Instrument for Democracy and Human Rights (The European Instrument for Democracy and Human Rights).
Special mention should be made of the EU's tool for responding quickly to acute crises in various regions of the world. In 2001, the EU established a Rapid Response Mechanism to be able to send military and civilian missions to crisis points. In 2007, this body was transformed into the Instrument for Stability( IfS), renamed in 2013 with the adoption of the new EU budget for 2014-2020 into an Instrument for Promoting Stability and Peace.
The EU Food Facility is also actively working, and in 2009 - 2012 it allocated about 1 billion rubles to the EU. EUR to regions experiencing food shortages, including 30 African countries6.
The EU Thematic Programme on Food Security 7, which has been in place since 2007, covers all developing countries, including a number of projects aimed at improving food security in Africa. The program focuses on improving food security, eliminating hunger and malnutrition in the medium and long term.
As of 2014, about 60% of the budget of the African Union and 9/10 of the budget of its peacekeeping missions were provided by contributions from donor States8. Thus, the EU is one of the largest financial partners of the African Union in maintaining its day-to-day functioning and carrying out its peacekeeping activities.
The EU has been instrumental in improving the African Peace and Security Architecture, of which the AU Peace and Security Council is a part, and has also supported the project to create an African Permanent Readiness Force. The latter were supposed to consist of five regional brigades as early as 1995, but their creation was very delayed (at the end of 2015, it was announced that these forces would start functioning in 2016) .9
In the handbook "African Architecture for Peace and Security", prepared by the Friedrich Ebert Foundation and the African Union in 2014, it was noted that in the 2000s. The EU has started to use its aid instruments in a new way, which has resulted in the creation and operation of the African Peace Fund or Instrument for Stability, etc.
One of the most important contributions of the EU is the stability and predictability of its funding for AU peacekeeping efforts, both through its own structures and through its efforts to raise funds for multilateral forums. The EU supports the establishment and development of the African Peace and Security Framework, in particular by supporting the establishment of the continental early warning system for 10 crises on the African continent, supporting the Council of Sages and the African Permanent Readiness Force project.
The EU supports the preparation and conduct of exercises for regional brigades of the AU forces. The EU also supports civil society organizations in the EU and Africa launching peace and security initiatives. Cooperation between the EU Political and Security Committee (EU COPS) and the AU Peace and Security Council, which has been developing since 2008, plays an important role. It helps the African Union to enhance its capacity to successfully plan and manage peacekeeping operations.
As of October 2015, the EU has carried out a number of military and non-military missions in Africa with various tasks. The military included: Operation Sofia in the Mediterranean Sea, aimed at combating suspicious vessels carrying illegal migrants (non-military), several EU warships and aircraft participated in the operation (since 2015); an EU training mission for the armed forces
Malian Armed Forces (since 2013); EU training mission in Somalia (since 2010); EU maritime operation Atalanta to combat piracy off the coast of Somalia (since 2008); EU security mission in the DRC, aimed at promoting the reform of the country's Armed Forces (since 2005); military advisory Group EU Mission to the Central African Republic (since 2015, replaced by the 2014 EU mission) 11.
Civilian missions included the following: the EU mission to Libya, aimed at supporting border security (since 2013); the Nestor mission to Djibouti, Somalia, Tanzania and the Seychelles, aimed at strengthening the maritime security capabilities of these countries (since 2012); the EU capacity-building mission Niger's security sector in the fight against terrorism and organized crime (since 2012); the EU mission to Mali to reform the country's internal security forces (since 2014). Recent examples of Mali and the Central African Republic show that individual European countries, such as France, also make a significant contribution to crisis resolution on the continent. The European Union and its individual member States also fund a number of African training centres that train peacekeeping soldiers.12
"SECURITY - DEVELOPMENT": NEW ASPECTS OF POLITICAL DISCOURSE
An analysis of both the documents adopted by the EU in the 2000s and 2010s on the relationship between security and development, as well as the practical steps taken by its leadership in this direction in Africa, reveals a number of new aspects of political discourse.
The EU now gives priority to preventing conflicts or resolving them at an early stage, including through the use of political or economic instruments.
The EU documents state that conflict prevention is much more effective than trying to resolve a full-scale crisis that has flared up. To this end, much attention is being paid to the development of analytical networks for collecting and analyzing information and the development of early warning systems for conflicts (both in Europe and on the African continent).
The EU's conflict prevention arsenal in Africa includes a wide range of policy tools, including human rights programmes, measures to combat the proliferation of small arms, support for security and justice sector reform in African countries, as well as support for public administration reforms and economic instruments. Russian researcher I. L. Lileyev rightly pointed out that it is fundamentally important for Africa to prevent potential risks that contribute to the emergence and escalation of conflicts, and one of these risks is the active trade in small arms and military equipment in Africa. 13
The EU leadership is also actively engaged in addressing the root causes of conflicts (the so-called root causes approach). These reasons include widespread problems of poverty, unemployment, and inequality in Africa. The EU's aid and political development programmes in Africa are also designed to address these challenges.
We note the increased attention of the EU leadership to unstable, vulnerable countries that have already suffered from conflict and are in the post-conflict recovery phase, in order to ensure their sustainable development and prevent a new slide into chaos. The EU also sought to develop a strategy for its actions in situations of political instability in partner countries, including those in Africa, when their Governments lack the institutional capacity, political will or democratic legitimacy to manage crises.
In its internal debates, the EU has taken into account trends in addressing this issue within other international organizations, not least the AU initiative - the Framework Concept for Post-Conflict Reconstruction and Development approved at the Banjul Summit (2006). The EU's Acute Conflict Prevention Programme (Gothenburg Programme)was adopted back in 2001. The EU's commitment to promoting conflict prevention was also reflected in the European Security Strategy (2003) and its revised version (2008).
The EU is committed to taking a comprehensive approach to both crisis prevention and the resolution of conflicts that have already flared up.
The EU strives to adopt a comprehensive approach to conflict resolution. This is reflected both in the Joint Strategy of 2007 and in the document adopted in 2013, which was called "The EU's Comprehensive Approach to Foreign Conflicts and Crises". The latter noted that the concept of a holistic approach is not new and has been applied by the EU previously in such regions as the Sahel, the Horn of Africa, and the Great Lakes region. However, these ideas and prin-
According to the authors of the document, these principles should become a systematic basis for the EU's foreign policy activities in all areas, especially those related to conflict prevention and crisis management.
This peacekeeping mission was seen as linked to the EU's global interests: "The Union has a wide range of policy tools at its disposal to respond to these challenges-they lie in the areas of diplomacy, security, defense, finance and trade, development cooperation and in the humanitarian sphere." 14 As global challenges increase in number, their complexity increases (the consequences of climate change, degradation of natural resources, overpopulation and migration flows, natural disasters, regional conflicts, terrorism, etc.), and due to the fact that the EU's economic resources are not unlimited, the importance of an integrated approach is increasingly increasing.
The document stressed: "The relationship between security and development is thus a key principle in the application of the EU's comprehensive approach. Other important principles underpin it. First, our responses to challenges must be linked to the context, to the logic of real-life situations; there can be no ready-made solutions. Second, the EU's comprehensive approach is a common and shared responsibility of all EU actors in Brussels, in EU member states and in third countries. " 15
In particular, the EU has sought to implement this approach in the framework of its recent missions to the Central African Republic, working in such areas as security assistance, mitigating the worst humanitarian crisis, restoring the justice system, combating impunity, and preparing the ground for a sustainable economic recovery of the country after the end of the conflict.16
In ensuring security on the African continent, the EU is committed to participating in the "partnership peacemaking" and promoting the African initiative for Africa's stability.
The EU, like other external actors, has begun to place greater emphasis on finding "African solutions" to the problem of civil wars and state crises on the continent. An approach that assumes the primary responsibility of Africans themselves for the security of their continent was also enshrined in the Joint Strategy.
In fact, only a few countries on the continent that play a leading role in their sub - regions-Nigeria, South Africa, Ethiopia and Uganda-can offer "African solutions" in the field of security. The international community prefers these States to become the main force in resolving conflicts in their regions, allocating their military contingents as part of the African security infrastructure. In return, these sub-regional hegemons receive international recognition and respect, foreign economic and military assistance, and their armed forces receive additional pay and training.17
Recently, the so-called partnership peacemaking has become widespread in Africa 18. This means an increase in the number of operations that are carried out in cooperation between two or more international organizations. Most often, these are the UN, the African Union, the African regional economic communities, and the EU. A new form of peacekeeping is firmly established, with African states providing most of the military contingent (peacekeepers), while other actors support operations in the form of financing, military training, logistics services, and planning.
Africans are showing a willingness to take responsibility for resolving crises on the continent on their own. Thus, in 2013, at the initiative of South Africa, the African Capacity for Immediate Response to Crises (CARIC) program was adopted. It was envisaged that in emergency situations, collective response forces would be immediately established on a voluntary basis, exclusively at the expense of the participating countries ' own funds, and not at the expense of the AU or foreign donors.19 South Africa, Uganda and Ethiopia immediately expressed their readiness to support the initiative, which indicates the desire of African countries to gradually create conditions for conducting an independent peacekeeping policy and combating the growing threat of terrorism and extremism on the continent.20
The EU takes a regional approach to resolving African conflicts.
The EU leadership understands that within the same continent, different regions have their own specific needs for ensuring peace and security. An example of this understanding is the development of the Strategy for Security and Development in the Sahel in 2011 and its implementation in countries such as Mali, Niger, and Chad. The document clearly stated that security and development issues are inseparable in the Sahel, and security in the region cannot be achieved if not ensured.
sustainable economic growth and poverty reduction 21. It was also pointed out that the Sahel's security and development problems can only be solved by strengthening the very weak regional cooperation at that time, and the EU saw its mission in increasing the potential of such cooperation. It was emphasized that the strategy for such assistance should be regional, integrative and comprehensive.
Researcher E. Lebedeva noted that the EU emphasizes its special relations with the Sahel countries, the northern borders of which are considered by Brussels as the new southern borders of the EU. She wrote that the EU sponsors the Global Resilience Alliance, which helps the Sahel population survive the food crisis, which is exacerbated by drought and the growing activity of terrorist groups. As part of this regional approach, the EU allocated approximately EUR 542 million to Chad, Nigeria, Mali, Mauritania, Burkina Faso, Niger and Senegal from the beginning of 2012 to February 2014. 22
The EU's emphasis on human development for security and development on the continent.
This principle was also reflected in the 2007 Joint Strategy, which stated that the EU and Africa are committed to supporting and strengthening the role of civil society and non-governmental organizations in conflict prevention. The action plan for the implementation of the strategy for 2014-2017 noted that the EU and the AU intend to strengthen the human rights dimension in their cooperation on peace and security. 23 This included ending the use of sexual violence as a weapon of war, protecting the rights of civilians in conflict, especially women and children. children, involving women at all stages of conflict resolution and peace-building processes.
As part of the implementation of this principle, the EU also works with civil society organizations and private businesses on the African continent, supporting education and job creation programs, protecting human rights and ensuring broad access to basic goods and justice. 2016 has been declared the Year of Human Rights in Africa. Human development is an important link between security and development issues in Africa. The EU's efforts in this area demonstrate the importance of the concept of "human security" for the Union's leadership. Within this concept, security is interpreted primarily as the security of the individual, not of the state, and implies its "protection from chronic threats - hunger, disease,repression, as well as from unexpected and harmful violations of the way of life" 24.
The EU leadership sees migration as a link between security and development.
The political and theoretical discourse on the "security - development" link in relation to migration in EU-Africa relations has a long history. If before 2005 the EU leadership focused on addressing security issues in regulating migration, then from about 2005 the EU discourse began to be dominated by the view that the EU should avoid the reputation of a community that cares only about its own security, and not about the development of surrounding areas, and the perception of it as a "fortress" closed to foreign citizens. migrants. Much was said in this regard about migration from developing countries, including African countries, to the EU; it was noted that migration should not be perceived as a threat, but as an opportunity, and the European Union should do more to stabilize the socio-economic situation in African countries.
A number of documents defining this new paradigm were adopted. The EU has sought to put the creative economic and socio-political potential of the African diaspora in Europe at the service of its political goals. The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / World Bank 2011 paper" Diaspora for Development in Africa "noted:" Migrant remittances to Africa exceeded $40 billion in 2010, providing vital support to the poor in many African countries. The potential contribution of the diaspora to the development of the African continent extends far beyond personal remittances. " 25
Since the early 2010s, the discourse in the EU has begun to change again -European leaders ' concerns about the growing waves of migration from African countries have been voiced, and there is great concern about the re-emerging political crises and armed conflicts in a number of African countries, pushing waves of refugees out of their countries and even the continent. The events in Libya, Mali, the Central African Republic, Burundi, and Burkina Faso have once again raised questions about the degree of external intervention in the resolution of African conflicts, what causes crises in Africa, and how Africans themselves can prevent and resolve them.-
We need to strengthen development so that it can truly contribute to economic prosperity, political stability, and the maintenance of peace.
Especially relevant in connection with the events of 2015 was the question of how to effectively and at the same time humanely regulate the flow of illegal migrants to the EU, while respecting human rights. All the political, humanitarian, and economic benefits and losses of migration should be taken into account in order to build a constructive EU migration policy. 26 It is also important to encourage legal migration of Africans to the EU, which ensures genuine mobility of law-abiding citizens of both continents, for the benefit of strengthening political, cultural, economic, social ties and exchanges between them.
The European development assistance system is being modified to meet the new needs of global development and the needs of Africa.
The beginning of a new stage of improvement of the European aid system can be seen in 2000, when a new aid agreement was concluded between the EU and the countries of Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific (ACP) under the Cotonou Agreement on Partnership, which also introduced a new approach to aid management. Now aid was distributed based not only on the needs of recipients (the aid entitlement principle), but also on indicators of success in applying aid, and its volume could be reallocated during regular review.
The Cotonou Agreement also provided, first, for a stronger political dimension of development cooperation - now it included issues such as peace and security, arms trade, migration, the fight against drug trafficking and corruption. Secondly, the agreement implied a more active involvement of non-State actors (NGOs, civil society, social groups, business associations) in development cooperation at all its stages.
In 2000, the European Commission and the Council declared global poverty reduction to be the main goal of their foreign development assistance in the context of the implementation of the United Nations Millennium Development Goals (MDG) 27. As for the overall growth rate of aid, " although official development assistance from the EU for sub-Saharan countries nominally increased by 13% in the past year, the EU has in the period from 2008 to 2013, in 2011 - 2013, the growth barely amounted to 1% " 28.
The EU's assistance does much to advance the Union's political priorities in Africa.
The EU has been committed throughout the noughties to helping Africa achieve the UN MDGs. However, as of 2015, these goals had not been achieved as planned in Africa, despite significant progress. Over the past five years, the EU has been actively developing the transition to new development goals in order to place greater emphasis on sustainable development, more inclusive growth, and higher returns on development assistance.
Much attention was paid to the idea of improving the system of European assistance for security and development, including in Africa, in the spirit of increasing complementarity, i.e. better coordination and complementarity between various European programs and initiatives in this area. Aid was also seen as a means of promoting EU soft power in Africa.
European ideas about the future of development assistance are largely reflected in the UN Sustainable Development Goals adopted in 2015. These priorities are reflected in one form or another in such fundamental EU development assistance documents as the European Development Consensus (2005), Increasing the Impact of EU Development Policies: An Agenda for Change (2011), and the Global Partnership for Poverty Eradication and Sustainable Development development after 2015" (2015) and a number of others. Discussions are also continuing on the future of the EU's multi-year financial planning framework and development assistance tools for the period 2014-2020.
Two important factors influencing the EU's understanding of the directions of reforming the development assistance system should be noted: the debate on external development assistance being conducted on the African continent, among its intellectual elite, and the introduction of new assistance practices by "rising" countries (China, India, Brazil, etc.), which actively cooperate with the European Union. african states.
In Africa, there is a perception that foreign aid (in the form of direct, systematic financial support to African Governments from Western countries or organizations such as the World Bank) is harmful to Africa. This point of view was highlighted in the best-selling book "Dead Aid: Why Aid is Not Needed" by Dambisa Moyo, a young and talented Zambian economist.
works and how to find a better path for Africa " 29.
Assistance in the form of long-term loans and grants allocated to African governments, according to D. Moyo, practically does not improve the lives of ordinary Africans. For economic growth and prosperity in the continent, it is necessary to gradually move away from aid until it is completely gone, and find new mechanisms for financing development. Such mechanisms include attracting FDI, mobilizing African capital itself through micro-credit, making international remittances from the African diaspora to their home countries cheaper, and reducing subsidies for developed countries ' own exports, especially agricultural goods such as cotton and sugar.
This approach also echoes the pragmatic views of Africa's new "emerging economy"partners. Now aid to Africa is becoming less important, and the demand for investment, the influx of new technologies, assistance in infrastructure development, and the full inclusion of African economies in international trade is only growing.30 This is what new actors are doing in cooperation with Africa. An analysis of their interaction shows the EU that the new players 'conditions for providing development assistance and its results differ significantly from the practice of Western assistance... This forces the EU, in particular,to reflect on the threat that BRICS poses to its aid system. " 31
It should be understood that the European Union at this stage needs to build fruitful relations with Africa in order to successfully overcome the consequences of the economic crisis. European-African relations are now more than ever faced with the challenge of overcoming the outdated model of donor-recipient relations.
* * *
The above-mentioned new aspects of the EU's political discourse on the security - development nexus also have a significant impact on the EU's approaches to resolving African conflicts. The Union's leadership sees ensuring stability in Africa as one of its main strategic priorities. As noted in the prestigious Cambridge journal Modern Conflict Resolution (2011), "of all international organizations, the EU has demonstrated perhaps the most profound commitment to conflict prevention." 32
Stability in Africa has been significantly strengthened over the past two decades, thanks to the efforts of international and African actors. Thus, the number of wars in Africa has halved in comparison with the 1990s 33. At the same time, as of 2015, eight conflicts have emerged or re-emerged in Africa over the past five years, which is a source of concern for the EU leadership.
The EU is one of Africa's key partners in conflict resolution on the continent. At the same time, Africans are now increasingly critical of the way in which external assistance is provided to resolve conflicts on the continent. They strive to protect State sovereignty, advocate compliance with international law in the face of external interference, insist on taking their opinions into account, and try to build up their own capabilities to resolve crisis situations on the continent.
The desire of African countries to diversify their foreign policy as much as possible is also growing, primarily through the development of cooperation, including in the security sector, with new players on the continent. It also affects the changing EU policy discourse on the security-development relationship in relation to Africa. The danger for the EU in this situation is also the prospect of losing its previous positions in African countries, reducing the ability to influence the development directions of the continent's countries and the security situation.
The migration crisis in the EU in 2014-2015 triggered a new rethinking of the "security - development" discourse. The influx of migrants from Syria, Iraq, and African countries to the EU is seen by many as a challenge to the security of a united Europe and even as a threat to the prospects for its unity and development.
The Ebola virus has become a formidable new threat to human security and, at the same time, to socio - economic development in a number of African countries, and the EU has made a lot of efforts to combat the epidemic. This led to a rethinking of ideas about ensuring safety in the context of the spread of new highly dangerous diseases.
New challenges of migration, international terrorism (DAESH, Boko Haram, etc.) set parameters for rethinking the concepts of security and development - both in African countries and in the EU itself.
Now the Black Continent seeks to cooperate with external players-be it the EU or emerging countries - on the terms of an equal partnership, which would correspond to-
It was consistent with the African vision of its development. Although Africa still needs external assistance at this stage to break the vicious circle of socio-economic problems that give rise to conflict, Africans are increasingly seeking to take responsibility for solving the problems of their States and societies.
Haastrup T. 1 Africa-EU Partnership on Peace and Security/Africa and the European Union. A Strategic Partnership. Edited by J. Mangala. Palgrave Macmillan, New York, 2013. P. 47 - 52.
2 2014 Annual Report on the European Union's development and external assistance policies and their implementation in 2013. 2014. P. 22.
3 African Peace Facility. European Commission. International Cooperation and Development https://ec.europa.eu/europeaid/regions/africa/continental-cooperation/african-peace-facility_e n.
4 African Peace Facility. Annual Report 2013. Published 22 May 2014. P. 4 - http://www.africa-eu-partnership.org/sites/default/files/documents/ar2013_apf_web_0.pdf.
5 European Union and African Union renew the African Union Support Programme II with 31.8 Million Euro. Joint Press Release. 2014. 24 March - http://dcpauc.au.int/en/content/european-union-and-african-union-renew-african-union-suppor t-programme-ii-318-million-euro
6 Africa - EU Partnership. Financing the Partnership. July 2013 - http://www.africa-eu-partnership.org/about-us/financing-partnership
7 EU's Food Security Thematic Programme.
Gottschalk K. 8 50 Years of the OAU-AU & Their Sub-Regional Affiliates. 13th Conference of Africanists. M., 2014. P. 8. Цит. by: Shubin V. G. United Africa? 2014 г. -http://russiancouncil.ru/inner/?id_4=3982#top-content
9 African Standby Force to be Ready in 2016 // African Defense. 9 November 2015 - http://www.african-defense.com/defense-news/african-standby-force-to-be-ready-in-2016/
10 Continental Early Warning System (CEWS).
11 EU. Ongoing missions and operations. October 2015. European External Action Service official website -http://www.eeas.europa.eu/csdp/missions-and-operations/
Fituni L. L. 12 Transcontinental network terrorism ANGA // Uchenye zapiski Instituta Afriki, 2015, No. 2 (33), pp. 95-99. (Fituni L. L. 2015. Transcontinental setevoi terrorism ANGA // Uchenye zapiski Instituta Afriki. N 2) (in Russian)
Lileev I. L. 13 Staryi Svet i Afrika, Moscow, IAfr RAS, 2015, p. 26. (Lileev I. L. 2015. Staryi Svet i Afrika. M.) (in Russian)
14 The EU's comprehensive approach to external conflict and crises. Brussels, 11.12.2013. JOIN (2013) 30 final. P. 3.
15 Ibid., p. 4.
16 The EU engagement in the Central African Republic. Fact sheet. 15/12/2014 - http://eeas.europa.eu/statements-eeas/2014/141216_01_en.htm
Emmanuel N. 17 Help yourself: Recent trends in African peacekeeping in Africa // Air and space power journal. Africa and Francophonie. Vol. 5, 2014, N 4, p. 3 - 4.
Williams P. 18 Peace Operations in Africa: Lessons Learned Since 2000 / Africa Security Brief. 2013. N 25. P. 2 - http://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/Africa%20Security%20Brief%20N25.pd f
Fabricius P. 19 SA First Country to Volunteer Troops for New African Quick-Reaction Force / CapeTimes (South Africa). 2013. 28 May - http://www.questia.com/read/1G1 - 348069660
20 CARIC: Africa to Deploy Joint Intervention Force // StratRisks. 2014. 2 July - http://stratrisks.com/geostrat/20147
21 Strategy for Security and Development in the Sahel. March 2011. P. 1 - http://eeas.europa.eu/africa/docs/sahel_strategy_en.pdf
Lebedeva E. E. 22 Sub-Saharan Africa: Conflicts and Development. Mirovaya ekonomika i mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya [World Economy and International Relations]. 2014. N 12. С. 102 - 112. С. 109. (Lebedeva E.Ye. 2014. Subsakharskaya Afrika: konflikty i razvitie. M.) (in Russian)
23 4th EU-Africa summit, 2014. ROADMAP 2014 - 2017. Peace and Security. P. 4.
24 Bartenev V. I. [The "security-development" link in modern Western studies: from deconstruction to contextualization]. Mezhdunarodnye protsessy [International Processes]. 2015. Volume 13. N 3. P. 80. (Bartenev V. I. 2015. Svyazka "bezopasnost-razvitie" v sovremennykh zapadnykh issledovaniyakh: ot dekonstruktsii k kontekstualizatsii) (in Russian)
25 Diaspora for development in Africa / Edited by Sonia Plaza and Dilip Ratha. Washington: The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the World Bank, 2011. P. 1 - http://siteresources.worldbank.org/EXTDECPROSPECTS/Resources/476882 - 1157133580628/DfD_FullReport.pdf
Afrikanskaya migratsiya: opyt sistemnogo analiza [African Migration: Experience of System Analysis], Moscow, IAfr RAS, 2009. (Abramova I.O. 2009. Afrikanskaya migratsiya: opyt sistemnogo analiza. M.) (in Russian)
Matsenko I. B. 27 Africa: Implementation of the Millennium Development Goals / / Asia and Africa Today. 2012. N 8 - 9. (Matsenko I.B. 2012. Afrika: realizatsiya "Tselei razvitiya tysyacheletiya". M.) (in Russian)
Babarinde O., Wright S. 28 Africa - EU Partnership on the Millennium Development Goals / Africa and the European Union. A Strategic Partnership / Edited by Jack Mangala. New York, 2013. P. 132.
Moyo D. 29 Dead Aid: Why Aid is Not Working and How There is a Better Way for Africa / London; Penguin Books, 2010.
Abramova I. O. 30 The New Role of Africa in the World Economy of the XXI century. Moscow, 2013. pp. 54-55. (Abramova I. O. 2013. Novaya rol Afriki v mirovoi ekonomike XXI veka. M.) (in Russian)
31 Kulkova O. S. 2013. BRIKS v Afrike v kontekste interesov ES/BRIKS-Afrika: partnerstvo i vzaimodeistvie. M) (in Russian)
Ramsbotham O., Woodhouse Т., Miall H. 32 Contemporary Conflict Resolution. Third Edition / Cambridge: Polity Press, 2011. P. 139 - 140.
Cilliers J., Schuenemann J. 33 The future of intra-state conflict in Africa. 23 May 2013 - http://www.issafrica.org/iss-today/the-future-of-intra-state-conflict-in-africa
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